Community-based Treatment for Love-making Offenders: an Evaluation of Seven Treatment Programs. OFFICE AT HOME Research Findings
Crime and Prejudice: Can interpersonal employees stay true to the prices of anti-discriminatory practice when participating love-making offenders'?
1. 1 There may be little discussion that those who thought we would commit sex offences are unpopular, considered by many to be 'evil', but also undeserving of support regardless of the advanced of need to support and rehabilitation (Ward et al, 2007). As an organization, sex offenders take up only a little ratio of criminals within the community and in guardianship; however the dynamics with their offence generates the best concern and general population outrage. Therefore the group often find themselves on the front internet pages of tabloids and elicit little to no sympathy. The past twenty years has seen lots of deplorable intimate offences brought to justice but also the public attention, with offenders more or less dehumanised; referred to as 'subhuman', 'monsters' or 'animals' by popular and greatly read newspapers in the united kingdom (The Sun, 2011). Whether painting these offenders as significantly less than man is a media strategy to make an effort to help the general public seem sensible of the criminal offense, or a way of justifying their sensationalist language in order to go units is open to further controversy. However, visible situations such as Ian Huntley and the Soham murders and the murder of Sarah Payne made significant communal narrative resulting in political pressure and following change to legislation witnessed through Sarah's Legislations which, as of this yr, has been expanded to the whole of the UK (OFFICE AT HOME, 2012).
Media and press will be the most significant resource for information gathering and, to some extent people are inclined to admit the mainstream media's word on things. Rawlinson (1998) argues that in areas such as criminal offenses, the media voice is the only real insight the general public have and therefore stereotypes about intimate offenders as 'weirdos', 'loaners' and 'outsiders' have been allowed to manifest helped by the need to allay moral panic. So, sensationalism, compounded by the on-going trend to focus only on the high-profile cases (which invariably involve girls), have a primary and damaging impact on the practitioners who must work with these people and even the way the work is undertaken (McCulloch and Kelly, 2007).
Sadly, social staff are regretfully not immune from the affects of the mass media, world and their own personal ideals. Indeed, given the repellent mother nature of intimate offences, the gut reaction of many professionals is to want to 'kick their tooth in' (Sheath, 1990. p 159). Consequently there's a difficult honest tightrope in place for those who use people who commit erotic offences; managing both societal pressures and their own personal values and thoughts alongside the professional beliefs expected by the body they represent. Public work values differ from other experts who are called after to work with intimacy offenders; most significantly because of the key points of anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice which seek to empower the service individual. These principles are the very substance of public work in both practice and training (Daltymple and Burke, 1995: Dominelli et al, 1995); nevertheless the equivalent will not can be found within medical and mental circles where there is much more emphasis located on ethics of treatment. Actually, chances are that most professionals who touch service users will stand for different practice wisdom, personal beliefs, knowledge foundation and professional ideals.
It was the politicization of cultural work in the 1970s that highlighted how communal welfare individualized sociable problems. Thus, somewhat than being seen as because of the moral failings of the indegent, poverty and marginalization were related to wider politics and structural inequalities (McLaughlin, 2005). The plan has since widened to include issues such as sexuality, disablism, ageism and gender among others. Anti-oppressive practice, like work with sex offenders has developed and progressed significantly over the past thirty years. The inherent 'ideals', while intensely debated (Beresford, 2008); still maintain fast to key points of self-help, security of the prone, social addition and equality (Barnard et al, 2008). 'Radicalization' and protest in the 1960's and 1970's sought to re-address a vitality imbalance thought by minority organizations and significant theory and models surfaced which helped inform sociable work practice; with perhaps the most powerful and reflected upon being that of anti-Discriminatory (ADP) and anti-oppressive practice (AOP). These are embodied as professional beliefs held by cultural staff and, it is hoped that by sticking with them that discrimination and oppression can be restricted to a minimum in your own practice and challenged in others with view to emancipation of those we use (Thompson, 2001). Today, ADP still holds true to its radical roots and value basic and emphases 'user control', equality over similar protection under the law and citizenship alternatively than respect (Preston Shoot, 1995).
A whole lot has been written about ADP by lots of the discipline's most accepted academics (Thompson, 2001: Dominelli, 2002, Adams et al, 2009), and public work training includes training about how to recognise disadvantage and oppression (Wilson and Beresford, 2000). Indeed the cultural work code of ethics espouses doctrines such fairness, respect and equality (GSCC, 2012). However, the role also facilitates the value of recognising individuals without awareness for wider personal or politics ideologies (Leonard, 1976: Bolger et al, 1981: Simpkin, 1989). Public work values therefore expect that practitioners result from a position to be socially natural (Smyth and Campbell, 1996). Thus, while the ideas of ADP are theoretically reasonable and seemingly clear, a great deal is asked of the interpersonal worker given that, as humans they are susceptible to the same cynicism, objection and even repulsion as the rest of the populous.
My research aspires to address how social personnel are to apply the key points of ADP/AOP to activate those whose sexual offences would normally be at the mercy of prejudice from culture. I am to get this done by doing a literature overview of the relevant work; by looking at the research on writing around anti-discriminatory practice and its own relationship with social work and then by looking at the way the principles are, if at all, applied whenever using sex offenders to raised understand how they were able to get over such moral dilemmas.
This critical literature review will commence with the methodology. This section will explain the term extra research along with providing a critical analysis of the differing methods used to conduct the review.
1. 2 Research Question and aims:
- Define the terms used; particularly anti-oppressive, anti-discriminatory practice and love-making offenders/offences.
- Provide historical, contextual and theoretical underpinnings of the task conducted with AOP/ADP and love-making offenders
- Discuss the implications of Cognitive Behavioural Remedy with Making love offenders
- ADP in custody: Are convicted and remanded gender offenders in received from practice which is educated by ADP/AOP?
- ADP in the community: Are intimacy offenders who are been able in the community acquiring practice which is up to date by ADP/AOP?
- Types of intervention used
- Implications for communal work
- Last conclusions
2. Technique / Methods
The research will take the format of your literature review using both quantitative and qualitative data collected from established researchers in neuro-scientific ADP, erotic offending and aggression, communal work and probation (Bryman, 2008). Given the limited writing which identifies the specific part of my research it may be considered that the dissertation might be improved through main data research. However, significant and intensive searches discovered that there was a great deal of quality secondary data available which facilitates the two independent but also fundamentally connected areas of study that your research can be found; namely the down sides of ADP used and engagement with both intimacy offenders and the ones who work with them. Thus, it was possible to find sufficient information from relevant journal articles, literature, social work established literature and Internet resources.
There is significant data and information available to the researcher, however given the breath and variety it was essential to narrow down the search to be able to attain the most significant and most relevant information. Approved websites were located through the School of Leicester portal to find literature including ASSIA, Community Attention Abstracts and the Leicester University or college Catalogue databases using the search conditions 'social treatment', 'engagement' and 'anti-discriminatory (and or) oppressive practice'. Additional queries were carried out by augmenting the search with the addition of conditions such as 'intimacy offender' and 'paedophiles' to be able to attain better and more various results. Understandably these terms generated a higher degree of results requiring the need to include or exclude predicated on the facts within the abstract. Exclusion scheduled to age was presented with some factor; however given the recent advancement of sex offender practice and this of anti-discriminatory practice getting a 'trim off' time frame became annoying and unrealistic when offering a background and context. However, within the key literature review of the research nearly all resources do not predate 1997. Furthermore, as there is certainly a lot more writing from an international medical, subconscious and criminological point of view I aim not to limit by country thus allowing the opportunity for longitudinal, subgroup and cross-cultural analysis (Bryman, 2004). However, due to my very own comprehension will only be using English texts.
Furthermore, while academics texts contain riches of information it must be looked at that given the time it takes to write, expense of publishing and the necessity for many analysts to achieve printed works there is often a strong slim from academics to publish their thoughts and works in publications. The upshot of this is an enormous riches of available information which is digestible, peer analyzed, openly available and above all else in a position to be very current. The study contains a substantial amount of information extracted from articles from publications including: Critical Public Coverage, Journal of Sexual Aggression, journal of Correctional HEALTHCARE, Probation Journal and the British journal of Community Work.
While the web is a valuable tool for being able to access information (Noaks et al, 2004), it's very difficult to find balanced, investigated and peer reviewed information and judgment on this issue of love-making offenders which includes not been damaged by bias or indeed intimidating and abusive vocabulary. Therefore Internet sites that are not secure have been prevented with the caveat of papers sites which demonstrated great for gauging the heat range of public thoughts and opinions which has been instrumental in how sex offenders are cared for and recognized.
Secondary data became preferable for many reasons; foremost due to the limited time in which to complete the research, but also because the grade of the information which found was excellent as well as peer examined and reliable. Indeed, the benefits associated with secondary data allows me to pull from top air travel professionals who may have had access to resources that i could not conceivably match. And, while some practitioners recognise drawbacks due to missing data and stability (Rubin and Babbie, 2011); my searches have already concluded significant relevant writing, including much on practitioner activities as well as just those of the service user.
I consider that possibly the most significant downside is the fact that, given the contentious dynamics of the material there may be some misrepresentation of statistics (Silverman, 2001). Indeed, victims of erotic offences are less inclined to report occurrences to the police and then the true scope and breath of the analysis is undermined by the validity. That is however controllable and better undertaking individual research that may have battled to gain ethical authorization given the often 'dangerous and manipulative' dynamics of love-making offender (Prendergast, 1991). Indeed, any try to conduct an initial research part would, at this stage only yield a tiny scale test which wouldn't normally be representative and challenging to generalise which may prompt some researcher bias (Sarantakos, 2005: Bryman, 2009). To evaluate the data gathered I will be using 'grounded theory' (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) which details a theory that is achieved from the gathering and examination of research information.
Notwithstanding the aforementioned advantages, supplementary data evaluation, like any methodological procedure has its limits. Secondary researchers haven't any control over the data they use which might be well out long outdated, disregarded and also in a roundabout way relevant. Indeed, the following research was the merchandise of significant trawling of journal articles and texts referring to obsolete legislation and priorities.
3. Literature review
3. 1 Background and theoretical underpinnings
A sexual offence is the 'take action of a sexual aspect against a person without that person's consent' (Hale, et al, 2005). It really is an function which is universally un-tolerated and, so any commission of it is met with seriousness. While there are significant dissimilarities in aetiological theories with regards intimate offenders and their treatment, there is certainly some data that perpetrators constantly present with serious and often habitual habits of behaviour that there's a prospect of disruption (Knopp, 1984). The discussion therefore is that all sex offenders aren't inherently acting maliciously and, while their act is unforgivable and no try to justify their actions will be made within this newspaper; one must consider additional factors which may be contributory or perhaps self-enabling.
Working with sex offenders has been linked to increased stress and, in some cases 'burnout' amongst professionals leading understandably to high rate of condition; thus the longstanding search for suitable and lasting treatment of sex offenders has seen both curious and questionable methods used. Lumber et al (2000) identify the origins of sex offender treatment in 1930's America where they were seen as 'deranged' and 'psychopathic' and therefore were consistently detained in asylums. This perception remained throughout a lot of the 20th Century before 1970's when interpersonal work practice modified and ADP surfaced and the climb of feminist practice stemming from radicalism saw significant 'progressions' with treatment.
Quinsey, Bergensen and Steinman looked beyond the 'psychopathic' view and considered that behavior could be transformed by changing cognitive patters, and in 1976 they used electric great shock aversion therapy so that they can do this. They undertook further work in 1980 'capitalising' on the visible successes of the previous application by treating 18 child erotic offenders using biofeedback and signalled-punishment aversion remedy with electric shock treatment. Again, this was reported to attain positive results however there was no follow-up following the involvement and it has not been revisited. While the idea of 'shock' remedy fills many people with horror, however the reality is that at the time this was extensively considered to be effective treatment and is still routinely found in almost every psychiatric hospital in the united kingdom (DoH, 2008). Making use of Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT) to gender offenders was therefore significant as it exhibited recognition of sex offenders as people who were in need, albeit 'sick' ones.
Groth, Hobson and Gary (1982, p. 140) recognized that there were limitations within the electroconvulsive psychoanalytic approaches with gender offenders and done an assumption that these individuals had professional medical or mental problems. This thinking was later validated by the task of Saunders, McClure and Murphy (1986), who affirmed values that only a very small percentage of non-incarcerated sexual offenders against children possessed definable psychiatric conditions. In 1984, Finkelhor's was the first to consider sociological and internal variations in relation to sex offenders and crucially acknowledged that individual psychopathology linked a brief history of child sexual misuse was only be linked to some of situations; thereby nullifying the idea at all making love offenders were victims of sexual abuse themselves which is a perceived misconception.
Concurrently, Marquis (1970) was tinkering with the idea of orgasmic reconditioning. This process requires the topic to masturbate whilst thinking about their deviance and then modify their thoughts to something more 'suitable' at point of climax. Marshall and Barbaree also required a different method of their work with sex offenders concluding positive proof the potency of the widely contentious 'satiation therapies' such as verbal and masturbatory techniques (1978, p. 303). The verbal process is intended to decrease the sex-offender's dependence on deviant erotic arousal and includes them simply describing scenarios which they find exciting over and over until these apparently deviant work become uninteresting and pedestrian to them. The masturbatory aspect involves your client masturbating over non-deviant material and continuing past the point of ejaculations. This was considered to be highly successful and many research workers believed these methods should be used as common practice in treatment. However, while there's been noted success with regards to the interventions, most studies accessed made reference to fetishism instead of the type of sexual misuse that i would consider on top of the public's plan.
The 1980's became a substantial time for the introduction of work with gender offenders; characterised mainly by the work of Salter (1988) and Finkelhor's (1984). Though it turned out considered important to intimacy offender treatment with cautionary treatment up, both recognised the importance of cognitive distortion in tackling intimacy offender's perception with their offence. While today the term tends to be used quite broadly, Finkelhor's software was that if reservations about the offence were to be overcome and, the perpetrator must desist making excuses and justifying the act and recognize it as simply deviant (Beech et al, 1998). He emphasised the value of the societal and ethnic pervasive socialisation patters, difference in prices and morality as well as biological factors. The model therefore provided a clear framework for professionals to work within, targeting sexual arousal, emotional regulation and aiding offenders to understand, identify and avoid situations which might put them or potential victims at risk (Ward, 2003). This represents a style of working which is evidently identifiable as interpersonal work; and this new holistic method of working with intimacy offenders was intensifying in acknowledging the needs and also to an degree 'rights' to the offender.
Unsurprisingly other professionals followed suit and Salter's thinking suggested practitioners that, although some offenders may recognize their deviance, they could also lay down blame on liquor, stress and other factors and therefore minimise their culpability. Salter's work is further validated by more recent studies which signify cognitive distortion is recognised as highly common in erotic offenders; Hudson et al (1993) conducted a study whereby 'child molesters' claimed that they thought that unresponsiveness was a sign that they were not bothered and alarmingly another analysis where rapists acquired apparently stated that they identified distress as an indicator of fun. This said, more usually the 'distortions' that happen to be referred to are typically made by offenders to rationalise, justify or refuse offence behaviours (Berliner and Conte, 1990, p. 34). The lowering and tackling of cognitive distortions is vital with effective CBT and it is shown to aid recidivism rates (Marshall et al, 1999). As a result CBT became central to work around making love offenders.
4. 1 The go up of CBT
Cognitive behavioural therapies produced from relapse prevention remedy which had recognition following successes in areas such as self-esteem and material use (McCulloch et al, 2007). Its use with intimacy offenders reflected some progression from the previous methods as it recognised public and environmental affects upon sexual offending as opposed to simply deeming it a mental health problems (Moster et al, 2008). Because the 1980's, the use of CBT has gained esteem and use from agencies making it the most typical involvement used (Andrews & Bonta, 1998; 1998; Freeman-Longo & Knopp, 1992; Regulations, 1989). Hanson (2002) found, after significant meta-analysis a recidivism rate of 9. 9% in comparison to 17. 4% for many who had not undergone CBT interventions. This evidence was reinforced by L¶sel and Schmucker's (2005) whose meta-analytical research of erotic offender program espoused similar conclusions presenting further kudos. The introduction of CBT as a means of making love offender treatment coincided with a fresh socio-political local climate which sought to promote and publicise 'what works' with offenders. CBT is the most commonly used intervention with gender offenders, and extensively considered to be the most effective (Andrews and Bonta, 1998; Becker and Murphy, 1998; Freeman-Longo & Knopp, 1992; Home Office, 2010), it does however still remain significantly less used than at first planned.
Authors such as Sparrow (2002) suggest that such a shortfall from preliminary expectations, is, at least in part, credited to a prevailing negative media response, miserable with anything seen than 'less than' the most draconian of interventions and punishments, alongside a centralized, managerialist administration unwilling to work with agencies they believed to be 'untrustworthy' and preferring to concentrate on more punitive measures which desired to minimising risk rather than therapeutic involvement.
CBT with components of Relapse Therapy (RT) are the most typical interventions with gender offenders in both the UK, Canada and US and generally involve group and individual therapy, focus on victim empathy, studying maltreatment cycles, cognitive restructuring, anger management and assertiveness, interpersonal skills and changing deviant intimate arousal patterns (Moster et al, 2008).
4. 2 Ethical conflicts within CBT
CBT is postulated on the theory that our emotional reactions and behaviours are dependant on pre-existing attitudes and beliefs which we might have developed or 'selected up' on the way (Beck, 1995). Thus, if we are to change how we respond to experiences and feelings then we should change both our thoughts and how we perceive the matter (Moster, 2008). Facilitating this involves the use lots of techniques and constructs to help the subject examine and understand their cognitive operations and the subsequent link between these thoughts and their behavior. Beck (1995) shows that some of the most effective techniques are cognitive restructure, reversal of behaviours and directive role play which aspires to confront the average person with the consequences of their behavior and engender a reflective stance to be developed. While motivational methods of treatment do are present, some practitioners prefer the well-established confrontative strategy which can raise questions in connection of public work ethics (Sheath, 1990; Moster et al, 2008).
With some offender treatments for example, experts may be required to adopt a couple of principles which may differ from the core ideals of their occupation. This includes, but is not limited to mandatory involvement in treatment which contradicts traditional mental health ethics and confrontative CBT treatment which includes been criticised because of its apparent manipulative characteristics (Sheath, 1990; Glaser, 2003). While this may present a dilemma for social work where prices of empowerment and value are fundamental; Holmes and Lindley (1991) contend that clinicians should feel 'no shame' which even if a few of the techniques used are identified to be ethically dubious, if indeed they cause individuals increasing better understanding and capacity to make rational and informed choices with your client group, they should be encouraged. Indeed many authors share this notion and discuss the idea that the offender learning from their own 'inner management' rather than dependence of exterior control is key to the reduced amount of recidivism (Marshall et al, 1999).
While the primary goal of CBT with making love offenders is recidivism there are other goals for public workers to keep an eye on; essential to CBT is that offenders are able to retain (or perhaps gain back) self-worth. This requires involvement which both functions to protect the general public and, at the same time, helps nurture the offender (Moster et al, 2008). While regions of CBT do encourage your client to produce 'bogus realities' and pasts, your client is actively inspired to think favorably about their lives post-therapy; be this in the near future or pursuing release from custody (Marshall, Anderson and Fernandez, 1999).
Another potentially contentious issue arises from the fact that CBT with Sex Offenders has to date unapologetically focused on immediately challenging and changing ideas, actions and attitudes focusing on reactionary involvement which aims to change existing behaviours but also questions the actual conflicts that facilitate. Sheath (1990) refers to this form of intensely confrontative treatment as being nothing short of a 'respectable form of nonce bashing' and discusses his own feelings of prejudice and repulsion which no doubt blur the grade of intervention being shipped. That is one of the fundamental conflicts of intervention with gender offenders and a location which requires professionals to most probably, honest and reflective about their abilities to put their feelings away. Whilst public work is built around the rules of non-discrimination, managers and teams must also be realistic about the targets of their employees.
Sheath is not the only practitioner to discover the shortcomings of CBT; Payne discusses some of the problems of the intervention from another ethical position, critiquing the process as simply a manipulation of offenders' behavior rather than progress achieved as a result of the client rather than the professional retaining control (1997). Payne does not however clarify his position concerning whether he seems the right maintain to self-determination can be designed within CBT, or indeed whether it's incompatible, stating only that this is only achieved when the client's one aim is to 'free themselves from behaviour' (1997: p. 123). Such stress might sensibly be held to present social employees, for whom issues of self-determination are central to the value base of the profession, with a very difficult 'circle to square' when attempting to justify the utilization of CBT in this manner.
Hackett (2008) shows that the predominance of CBT in this field has also added to the homogenisation of sex offenders, as many of the main element interventions, like the cycle of misuse (Ryan et al, 1987) and Finkelhor's four preconditions model, tend to focus on the offence, rather than the offender. Thus a simple flaw in the approach would seem to be to be that a group of highly contentious and doubtful assumptions will be required about offenders as an organization and exactly how they operate, which fundamentally neglect to recognise that each single intimate offender is a different person using their own issues, but also an offender with the own issues, agenda, perception of their offence and perception of their patients (Sheath, 1990). Indeed, it could plausibly be argued that a reactive, 'one size suits all', application of CBT side-steps what's usually the crux of the client's problems; sexual orientation, self-perception, sexually deviant and unfulfilled dream. Wanting to 'decode' a sexual offender while they are still in circumstances of defensiveness may therefore be, as Sheath puts it, a 'nihilistic exercise with most detrimental counter-productive' (p. 161).
Given the honest issues brought up above, whose overall implication would appear to be that the 'ends justify the means', in regards to to the utilization of CBT, it could seem reasonable to question the extent to which such a confident duality of results can the truth is ever be more than 'wishful thinking', as it could seem that open public protection will undoubtedly get higher goal.
4. 3 Beyond CBT
Research by Marshall (2002) and Craissati et al (2002) increases the discourse thatin suggestsing that it is an inability to form adult associations which sometimes ends up with the quest for intimacy in other, maladaptive ways. Marshall (1989; 1993; 1996; 2002) uses the insights offered through the use of connection theory to make clear how erotic offenders are frequently emotionally faraway and 'superficial' in close relationships. Going on to suggest a link between early attachment encounters and the development of inside working models which support the creating and maintenance of associations in adolescence and adulthood (Bowlby, 1969). Such working models contribute not and then our own behaviour and values, but also to how exactly we recognise and value the tasks of others. Popular attachment issue talks about three main 'styles' of attachment; the secure which is thought to stem from warm and constant parenting and then two types of insecure attachments, namely troubled which is regarded as rooted in inconsistent parenting and the avoidant which is associated with unresponsively in parenting (Ainsworth, 1979; Alexander, 1992).
Insecure attachments are believed to be a vulnerability factor with offending generally speaking (Alexander, 1992) and Marshall advises this can cause issues in adolescence and can make children ill-equipped for the obstacles of puberty, and therefore less likely to achieve a satisfactory level of understanding of romantic relationships and intimacy amongst peers and other human relationships. He claim that can cause confusing love-making with intimacy which, combined with pre-existing loneliness, disappointment and natural erotic urges may lead to inappropriate intimate promiscuity and assault (Marshall, 1989). Indeed, the pioneering specialist on connection, Bowlby (1944) shared research based on a cohort of 47 young offenders, proposing that the absence of a secure connection amount can ostensibly lead to an 'affectionless psychopathy'. A problem characterised by a lack of empathy and an incapability to form human relationships.
Considering intimate offenders within a frame of connection may enable practitioners who struggle to distinguish the offence and the offender to work better with them. Indeed, there significant information which links insecure and disorganised attachment anti-social behavior and hostility in adulthood. Using Connection Theory when a way with gender offenders does not provide to justify their activities or behaviour, however when considered among the myriad of other sociable and emotional factors, some understanding of cognition and behaviour may be observed which is something that practitioners have a problem with (Sheath, 1990; Hudson, 2005). As a result, attachment theory does not give us a couple of rules for dealing with sex offenders but is does indeed support better understanding as well as support a better understanding on their own behaviour.
5. 1 Working with gender offenders in custody
Whether it be increased consciousness, less tolerance, changes in behaviour or the go up of DNA evaluation - there has been a progressive increase because the 1980's of incarcerated sex offenders, adding increased pressure on jail structures, organizations who work with your client group and the necessity to find suitable, sustainable and effective treatment for sexual offenders (Greenfield, 1997). We also stay in a world where public view wishes intimate offenders to be as socially excluded as it can be and therefore jail presents as the perfect place for them to remain. Though seemingly straightforward, this does indeed however present with an increasing amount of issues; there exists of course the spiralling cost of custody and remand places, the likelihood of reaching 'like-minded' and collusive people but also the actual fact that public exclusion tends to increase risk, rather than reduce it (Sommerville, 2000).
Over days gone by 30 years the concentrate of treatment in relation to love-making offending has been almost solely across the management of risk and safety of the general public shown by highly reactive and confrontatitive interventions (Sheath, 1990). Since there is an obvious rationale because of this approach, given the mass media and political pressures as well as the public concern with victimization; it includes left a simple gap in relation to rehabilitation and resulted in an overuse of guardianship (Garland, 2001). This sort of 'out of sight' abuse further exacerbates the thought of sex-offenders as sub-human beings and justification to take care of them less favourably. While it can be grasped that this view is presented by the public, it is unfortunately often replicated by prison personnel and other male in-mates who revel in 'giving them a hard time' by ritual beatings, ostracization and frequently rape (Sheath, 1990).
5. 2 Ethical conflicts
Sex offenders in guardianship occupy suprisingly low status, and in many UK prisons are regularly segregated on split wings also known as the vulnerable prisoner's wing or, additionally the 'nonce' wing. Separation from the primary populous can result in offenders denying their offence in order to maintain security from retribution seeking inmates. The upshot of the is sex-offenders are immediately disadvantaged, socialising less and with less chance to show they have 'transformed'. In essence, this equals to a situation where, before prisons have even had the opportunity for treatment or treatment, they are excluded, dehumanized, victimized and at the mercy of more discrimination and oppression that offenders who may be providing back to back life phrases.
Glaser (1969) found that a positive attitude by custodial officials critical to facilitating change in intimate offenders prior to their release. Hogue (1995), for example, discovered that prison officers who were not involved in the treatment of sexual offenders were a lot more negative in their behaviour towards intimate offenders than jail officers involved with treatment. Weekes, Pelletier, and Beaudette (1995) further found that only 20. 7% of custodial officers viewed sex offenders as even treatable, rating them as more unchangeable, dangerous, irrational, mystical, than non-sexual offenders. Of particular take note of, 68% of the test of custodial officials suggested that they wished more trained in how to deal with sexual offenders in support of 12. 3% reported that their training had prepared them sufficiently enough.
While prison is present to restrict the liberty of offenders, it also offers a fundamental function to observe basic human privileges of its inmates as per the Human Rights Work. The Howard Group for Penal Reform found that making love offenders (and even a great many other prisoners) were routinely having basic rights abused or unmet, specifically with relevance to love-making offenders is including Article 3: - the to freedom from torture or inhuman and degrading treatment and Article 14: freedom from discrimination. The status quo is therefore detrimental; as Ward and Brigden discuss, when the sex-offender has their dignity and protection under the law observed they are more likely to comply with treatment and also to act. Indeed, further deprivation of real human rights simply perpetuates stigmas and breeds resentment (Matravers, 2000). Actually, by continuing to oppress the essential needs and rights of the sex-offender, you can argue that you will be simply reinforcing their existing frame of mind which vindicates their offending and compliments and confirms cognitive distortions (Hudson, 1998; Thomas and Tuddenham, 2002; McAlinden, 2005; Ward et al, 2007).
Hudson (2005) looks at intimacy offenders' perspectives of the treatment and management and concludes that most intimacy offenders do indeed see themselves as patients; both with regards to the way they are treated by fellow inmates and jail staff alike. Following jail riots across England and Wales in 1990, Lord Justice Woolf conducted an inquiry which discovered that; the mistreatment that love-making offenders suffer, alongside the restricted regimes that they experience, produce, in intimacy offenders a feeling they are somehow victims themselves, somewhat than perpetrators of criminal offenses. Therefore if a decrease in re-offending is desire to, attention needs to be centered on what they themselves did, somewhat than what they are experiencing to suffer (Sampson, 1994).
5. 3 Sexual Offender Treatment Program (SOTP)
Whilst in custody could very well be the best location to rehabilitate intimate offenders considering that there is opportunity offend, however the attitude of the main jail populous and custodial officials meant that meaningful engagement with the client group was unusual, resulting in proposal in intervention which was often incentive established, required or coercive. SOTP is however regarded as the most honest way of rehabilitating sexual offenders and emerges on a voluntary basis to male prisoners convicted of the erotic offence or a violent offence with a sexual component (HMPrison). Introduced in 1991, SOTP is dependant on the clear 'success of cognitive behavioural therapy' (Beech, et al, 2003: 2), compromising Finkehorn's convinced that love-making offenders lack communal skills, empathy and understanding and a problem solving focus including socialisation and moral reasoning elements (Falshaw et al, 2003).
The programme can be lengthy and can only be offered to offenders who have both the capacity and indeed the time to complete it (Cobley, 2005). This reveals another ethical dilemma around the motivation as some sex offenders in guardianship may perceive inclusion in treatment as a car to early on release as opposed to an treatment to influence personal change (Ellerby, 1997). Consequently, many participants seem resilient, deceptive and unwilling to fully get involved (Clarke, 2011).
5. 5 Conclusions
While public view will favour custodial methods, the eventual goal for just about any prisoner must be re-ablement and release. While a abuse first, proposal in healing process whilst in guardianship is fundamental to ensuring that sexual offenders have the treatment they both require to raised understand why they offend and help them desist and allay society's unrelenting distain towards them. That is in no way a simple process, and from the literature observed, practitioners must themselves be mindful about their health and well-being, but also the behaviour they maintain towards this client group. It's understandable that it's hard to be effective when working with difficult service users, however this may understandably become significantly more challenging when colleagues are unsympathetic and carried out in physical surroundings that happen to be themselves' improbable to be enjoyable or restorative. However is not studied immediately in the framework of making love offender treatment provision, the importance of physical surroundings on psychological health (e. g. light, noise, indoor air quality) can be an important area for account and has a accepted effect on mental health insurance and well-being (Evans, 2003).
6. 1 Practice in the Community
Until relatively recently, offences of any sexual mother nature were for want of a better word, 'bundled' together with violent offences. Legislation referring specifically to 'sex offenders' appeared in 1991 as the Lawbreaker Justice Action offered longer 'defensive' sentences for sex works. This was adopted in 1997 by the Offender Evidence Action which gave authorities power to obtain DNA from sexual offenders. Within the same time the Sexual Offences Take action, Crime Work and Sexual Offenders Function were also introduced. The second option famously required all sexual offenders to be listed with the authorities. The Criminal offenses and Disorder Function (1998) and Management of Sexual Offenders and Sentencing Expenses (2005) added 'expanded' phrases for making love offender post-release including polygraph screening and electronic curfews as a means of providing extended surveillance and protection for the public.
This raft of new legislation, whilst indicating the government's determination to public coverage, is also regarded as immediately related to the media coverage which acquired implemented a 'name and pity' position. A blended picture is certainly painted for practitioners; on one hand prompted to work therapeutically with offenders in their community while on the other the federal government produces increasingly defensive risk models and surveillance measures (Thomas and Tuddenham, 2002). While as public workers we must acknowledge the difficult stress between safeguard of the general public which of the privileges of the service individual, the defensive position of the federal government is probably understandable; so, the 'Risk-need' model (Hudson, 2005) has become very popular in Great Britain, but also in North America, Australia, and New Zealand.
The risk-need model key aims are to reduce potential of injury to the community alternatively and improving the grade of their life (Andrews & Bonta, 1998; Gendreau, 1996). Given its penal undertones it includes unsurprisingly the most well-liked model and more likely to curry favour with the voting consumer, federal government and the multimedia. Although it has its place crudely speaking, from a sociable work position there is a clear need for the views of your client to be studied into consideration, whatever the public opinion with them may be (Garland, 2001). Indeed, research shows that exclusion increases threat of offending and therefore attending to human needs, increasing self confidence and improvement of one's overall quality of life by promoting cultural inclusion and concentrating on rehabilitation is much more likely to reduce the risk of re-offending (Ward and Stewart, 2003).
6. 2 Moral conflicts
Any prisoner serving a sentence of over four years in prison will be allocated a cultural employee, thus as the average length of phrase for a sexual offence is five years is likely that most sexual offenders will have cultural work participation. The social employee is accountable for information sharing, dealing with the prisoner and their family with the prison social care and attention device but also to examine risk; both in relation to what activities can be conducted and for the completion of a risk management plan. This contact will stay while the offender is monitored in the community and in many cases beyond the finish of the certificate.
There are complicated suggestions when working with sex offenders in the community and given the seriousness of their crime, intervention will normally maintain conjunction with Multi Company Public Protection arrangement which, as their names suggests will dsicover 'public safeguard' as their main concern. As such, it is crucial that social workers are involved with the process to ensure both protection of the public, but also safety of the rights of these service user. Love-making offenders occupy with largest ratio of MAPPA instances, however 71% of said are evaluated posing no significant risk to the city and categorised level 1; interpretation they are supervised with local supervision i. e. probation teams. While MAPPA categorisation signifies another label which love-making offenders are created subject to and gives further stigma and restriction to liberty, this is little compared to that of the 'making love offenders register'.
This 'register' represents significant curtaining of real human rights, delivering difficulty when considering the 'key' fundamentals of cultural work which must include value, valuing integrity and preservation of dignity (BASW, 2002). Indeed, while there should be balance between real human rights public cover, prominent specialist and academics in the field, Erooga argues in defence of such means stating 'hobbies of the community should eclipse the hobbies and privileges of making love offenders' (Erooga, 2007 p. 181).
Initially, the register appeared to be a useful tool with compliance calculated at 94. 7% in its first analysis in 1997 (Plotnikoff and Woolfson, 2000). Indeed, conformity continued to go up, attaining 97% in 2001 following a Felony Justice and Judge Services Work 2000 which increased possible imprisonment for non-compliance with the register from half a year to five years. Since its inception various additions have been made including photos, fingerprints, travelling restriction and police force reporting; all were built-into the Intimacy Offenders Function 2003.
'Compliance' with the register however requires only adhering to its constraints; thus whilst having a register offers a certain security through baseline accountability, you can find little facts that being part of a register serves to lessen one's likelihood of re-offending. Somewhat, the 'gender offenders register' has been significantly misused by the country's press by exploiting the liberty of information by producing the labels and addresses of making love offenders. Paradoxically, the stigmatisation, pity and communal exclusion helped bring from being included on today's day 'most-wanted' list is far more likely to lead to increased chances of risk (Ward, 2007).
Opposition to the Love-making Offenders Action 2003 on the grounds of human rights' infringement has been generally unsuccessful and often vehemently opposed by political statistics wishing to point score with the public. A recently available ruling from the Supreme Court docket which called for convicted sex offenders who have been listed 'for life' to appeal fifteen years after release from custody induced significant commotion between politicians and, talking with the Telegraph in 2011, Perfect Minister David Cameron mentioned such a ruling was both 'unpleasant' and flied in 'the face of common sense'. Indeed, the traditional get together have been long time critics of the individuals rights act which ruling has backed the party's commitment to examine current legislation with view to making it a key aspect of the next election manifesto (BBC, 2011). Furthermore to personal privacy, legislation further restricts the standard human privileges including crucially, freedom as most criminals who complete their sentences have their liberty reinstated. Love-making offenders however continue steadily to suffer restrictions often years beyond their phrase.
The past two decades has, as mentioned, seen significant discourse between rights risk management and since I write, Ministers in the united kingdom have begun plans to spin out essential polyphonic assessment for the 3, 000 convicted making love offenders who are living in the community following successful pilots between 2009 and 2011 in the East and Western Midlands.
Though contentious, research found that when anticipating the so called 'rest detectors', gender offenders tended to become more more likely to disclose information, while on the other palm continuing to perpetuate the stereotype of sex offenders as well-practiced lairs (Grubin, 2004).
While there are various arguments with regards to the utilization of polyphonic evaluation, the two most distinct tend to be in regards to accuracy and ethical justification for compulsory use as, again while polyphonic assessment might be able to support decisions around risk, at the moment there is no evidence that the utilization of the test reduces post-treatment recidivism and critics dispute that like the test amongst professional practice specifications merely enhances what is the illusion of methodical credibility (Kokish, 2003; BBC, 2012).
6. 3 Recidivism
While significant books on intimacy offenders focuses on recidivism rates, it remains one of the very most widely misunderstood and overestimated areas of the subject and public notion has been found to be over three times higher than those found in empirical research (Fortney et al. , 2007). As erotic offences often go unreported offending rates are difficult to judge, however given the intrusive nature of the procedure and the unparalleled monitoring to which clients are created subject matter, rates of recidivism should be recognized.
Despite public judgment and media reaction to 'high account' offenders releases from custody, recidivism rates amongst sexual offenders are actually relatively low with most estimates under 20%. Hanson and Bussiere's (1998) meta-analysis reveals that gender offenders' five-year re-offense rate is on average only 13. 4%, so that it is less than the re-offending rate for criminals of non-sexual offending. In a longitudinal review of 477 adult gender offenders, Barbaree's research over an interval of 5. 9 years yielded a standard recidivism rate of 11. 3% (1997). It really is unsurprising that sexual offenders who complete treatment are in a lower risk of re-offending that those who do not and therefore more should be achieved to encourage proposal in therapeutic functions amidst the group (Hanson et al, 1998).
6. 4 Conclusions
As there's a need for supervision in public, the role of professionals must move beyond that of simply management of risk and appearance to reintegrate back to society. As reviewed, the rising body of research suggests that overly punitive methods that happen to be offence concentrated and victim specific can promote exclusion and pity and therefore, may increase threat of re-offending making their effectiveness something must be looked at (Hudson, 1998; McAlinden, 2005; Thomas and Tuddenham, 2002). The above evidence supports a posture that the measures in place to protect the public are in fact working effectively and therefore the treatment works well. Therefore, as professionals we must commence to look inwardly at our very own practice and indicate upon the conflicting information that different organizations and physiques espouse and promote treatment which is inclusive and promotes esteem, dignity and empowerment. I say empowerment with some extreme caution, as many experts believe that attaining 'electricity' over their sufferer is at the center of intimacy offender's plan far more an objective than erotic gratification, however the recent influx of Internet child pornography contradicts this and boosts an argument that additional resources and a go back to modifying deviant pursuits may be necessary (Marshall et al, 2008). This said, given there exists so little research on 'what works' with this specific group, McAlinden (2005) proposes that in the absence of a tangible or suited alternative, there is perhaps a dependence on progressive thinking and 'careful experimentation' (2005 p. 388).
7. Anti-Oppressive and Anti-Discriminatory Practice
7. 1 Sociable work surfaced in the 19th century incorporating three positions of public action; through professionalism, direct involvement predicated on sociable pacifism and the charity motion (Seed, 1973). The latter was to become the most successful and effectively sociable work as we know it today which is within the stand of social work where ethics and ideals have emerged with the most important being that of Anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice (Hugman and Smith, 1995). Anti-oppressive practice is now a guiding pressure within social work; inherent in training and used and serves to promote awareness of communal divisions and hierarchies, obstacle norms and assumption and to offer emancipation (McLaughlin, 2005). The International Federation of communal workers furthermore declare that the 'main role' of the job is to liberate the vulnerable and oppressed to market social inclusion (Horner, 2003).
While in current practice this seems like a wholly realistic for a professional body such as public workers, many think that gender offenders forfeit their individual rights because of the character of the offence devoted and thus they are simply placed beyond your realms of safeguard (Ward, 2007). As talked about previously in the newspaper, the media has tirelessly worked to change the general public view of the sex offender by dehumanizing them and referring to them pets or animals and monsters. Many will concur that this notion is totally rational and justified, however from an ethical, public work and rehabilitative position this view is oversimplified and symbolizes short-sighted thinking. As cultural worker we should be remain committed to ensuring that the rights of most our clients are recognized and adhered to, even if on a personal note their prices aren't aligned with our own.
Hackett argues that you of the main obstacles for anti-oppressive practice comes in the need to locate the intimacy offender with the oppressor/oppressed continuum. This, he implies has become the standardised approaches to ADP have regularly acknowledged your client as oppressed with the intervention task from interpersonal workers to empower to conquer the oppressive causes and factors with that they are dealing. While considering the offender as oppressed with acknowledgement of the significant and long-term harm they may have induced would be untenable and collusive; work with sex offenders has a tendency to see the making love offender only as an oppressor and, as many authors have remember that erotic offenders themselves have been victims of misuse and/or oppression (Fisher, 1994; Featherstone et al, 1997). Hackett goes on to claim that there can be an issue of concentration in relation to social work and AOP with intimacy offenders, who he asks, is the real client? The intimacy offender? The community at large or the sufferer? Intervention with intimacy offenders will normally give attention to the two latter which essentially allows experts to side-stop AOP with the abuser (Gocke, 1995). Last but not least, Hackett increases the question of being deserving of non-oppressive practice acknowledging that the offence committed can frequently eliminate intimacy offenders from conversations about 'privileges'. Everyone is born with inherent human rights, which includes those who offend - sexually or otherwise. Human Privileges Legislation is committed to protection of privileges 'without qualification or exception' and reveals an ethical ideology, an equilibriutive method of 'bridging and transcending countries' boarders, ethnicity concerns, gender issues, classes to provide equality, fairness and cover to all or any (Churchill, 2006). So, while we may recognise that sex offenders are protection under the law violators, they are also holders and for that reason, while they should no doubt be subject to restrictions, the thought of stripping them of identity is dangerous (Ward & Birgden, 2007).
Because sex offenders have destroyed the law as well as violated the rights of their victims, their state has a work to punish them as well as protect the city; there is certainly however crucially an responsibility to respect them as people, protect them against violations, and uphold a individual rights platform (Gostin, 2000). You can find literally thousands of books on the subject of human privileges, with hundreds more being printed every year, however there's been little observed about the protection under the law of the sex-offender and in 2004 Brigden conducted a review which found that there have been only three journals which mentioned the contentious topic; suggesting it is an area which is under researched and symbolized (Freeman-Longo, 1996; Regulations, 1999; Marshall, 1996). Specific Indeed, while real human rights and improved equality in practice and acceptance has been observed in the domains of interpersonal work and probation, there has been less development in domains of corrections and forensic psychology; both of whom work tightly with sex offenders whilst in guardianship.
Ensuring that individual rights are met and recognized is the cornerstone of Anti-oppressive practice. Generally speaking, AOP is known as to be an definitely positive thing (Dominelli, 1998), consequently criticism or touch upon its tenants often places the critic on the side of the oppressor (Beresford and Wilson, 2000). Oppression reaches its very central when individuals or groups who are regarded as different are devalued and dehumanized which difference being found in order to justify action (Preston-Shoot, 1995. p 15). Thus, when ensuring that practice is anti-oppressive it's important to ensure that people are careful never to stigmatise or pathologise those whom we work with (Hackett, 2008). ADP is associated with a radical value base which highlights the value of 'consumer control' and equality somewhat than equal opportunities and protection under the law not needs as well as citizenship over value (Preston-Shoot, 2005). It is however hard to observe how user control, quality and protection under the law should be directly put on work with making love offenders as whatever life experiences they may have had; erotic offenders have abused their electricity in order to oppress others (Morrison et al, 1994). The idea of empowerment therefore becomes highly contentious as the necessity for vitality and control is shown to be one of the main motivators for intimate aggression (Jones et al, 1999).
Perhaps the most difficult aspect of working with love-making offenders is viewing them as simply 'service users' and acknowledging their needs to be as valid as somebody who needs support such as a child in need or a customer with mental ill-health. However, experts should consider that like issues with other client communities, there are developmental, social, natural and situational factors which are usually contributory to the onset of sexual deviance (Ward et al, 2006). Modern meta-analytic studies have reported that static variables relevant to intimate offending recidivism include vulnerability factors like a dysfunctional childhood, do disorders, minority position, cognition and behaviour tolerant to anti-social behaviour and/or intimate offender, psychopathy and product use (Ward, et al, 2006: Geaudreau, Little, & Goggin, 1996; Hanson & Bussiere, 1998; Quinsey, 1995). In light of this, the view of something individual as a 'intimacy offender' appears to habitually override any other rights they could have and the actual fact they might be gay, female, a child, disabled, dark-colored or ethnic minority is generally overlooked which appears to excludes them from anti-oppressive discourses. Ward (2007) argues that for effective treatment to have effect both offender's rights, and those of others, should be acknowledged and integrated into treatment. This dual concentration, he states, has the capacity to uniquely inspire offenders to acquire the abilities and values required to live offence-free lives.
While there are extensive stigmas which intimacy offenders find themselves at the mercy of; such as missing empathy or moniker of an peculiar deep 'stranger' (when in truth most victims of intimate offending declare that the abuser has been a family member), there's been a longstanding medical assumption that the clients lack certain sociable skills such as assurance and communication skills (Hudson and Ward, 2000). Newer surveys have however discovered that your client group are more likely to suffer much more 'human' issues including problems with intimacy, loneliness, self-esteem, human relationships and connection deficits (Keenan & Ward, 2000; Marshall, 1996; Marshall & Barbaree, 1990; Marshall et al, 1996; Marshall et al, 2000; Smallbone & Dadds, 2000; Ward et al, 1995; 1999). This offers essential and perception into sexualised behaviours and Marshall and co-workers (1999) hypothesise that insecure years as a child attachment may be considered a root cause of intimacy issues and difficulties interacting with and understanding others.
7. 3 Conclusions
Anti-oppressive practice is not a means to a finish then one which, as professionals we must shoot for, challenging oppression and discrimination as so when we face it. Thankfully for students today the struggle to have such ideas acknowledged has existed in the three decades which have preceded us. For these pioneering practitioners, taking an anti-oppressive position positioned them at odds with their state and subjected accusations to be overly 'politically right' were used to undermine and denigrate those who have been seeking change within the cultural and (conservative) politics structures (Good, 1995).
Throughout this paper I have reviewed the various issues and conflicts which occur from applying the concepts of anti-oppressive and discriminatory practice to utilize intimate offenders through considering different ethical positions with regards to the current ways in which this customer group is worked with. This isn't to claim that experts and services aren't already making work to apply these core communal work principles and over the next chapter I am going to discuss interventions which have sought to aid the difficult balance.
8. 1 Types of intervention with gender offenders
Morrison discussed how intervention in the field of sexual offenders can't be value free (1994), and continuing the work of Salter (1988) proposed that an satisfactory value foundation for professionals should represent acknowledgement of a prosecutable legal offence which is fundamentally undesirable. Indeed, while the overarching aim of intimacy offender treatment must be safeguard of the general public, the apparent success with treatment over that of strictly punitive options certainly implies a need to look at therapeutic method of coping with the love-making offender problem.
Naturally tensions happen when combining sociable work's core worth including warmth, value and admiration with the confrontational and ethically doubtful ways of treatment which were permitted with making love offenders because of the media and political pressure. As a result risk, penal and correctional interventions have dominated. Sheath (1990) was between the first to recognise the short-comings of confrontatitive interventions and started out to deconstruct the formulaic methods used in sex offender treatment, looking most specifically at CBT, and suggested alternatives methods characterised by respect (for the offender, not the offence itself) and the necessity to understand the experience of the offender contextually thus recognising potential developmental and environmental factors which may have been contributory. He argued for a balance between risk and need and his affect is reflected in some facets of work with love-making offenders. Personal Build Theory (PCT), for example requires experts so start to see the 'client' as a person with their own and valid calls for and interpretations and perspectives. Unlike in CBT where in fact the love-making offender is prepared from the offset that their view is incorrect and shameful (and so in the end further damaging to self-esteem and professional/client romance); PCT issues us to see the world using their position. In so doing we can maybe commence to empathise, due to the fact perhaps their behaviour, though not justified, may be understandable given the circumstances which may have disaffected them.
The Thematic Inspection of Probation Service use Intimacy Offenders (HM Inspectorate of Probation, 1998) reinforced these ideals, saying that treatment should apply "What Works" ideas to utilize intimacy offenders (McGuire, 1995) thus concentrating on those most at risk of re-offending by concentrating on areas related directly to offending and acknowledging risk and need. Such needs are important to consider, specially when taking into consideration the high amount of sex offenders who are themselves survivors of mistreatment. Reliant on studies, this amount is often as high as 80% (Erroga, 2002). Indeed, while a small quantity of offenders are accountable for many offences, the victims are seldom children (Grubin, 1998). Beckett claim that abuse surviroes tend to have difficulties forming appropriate adult relationships experience other problems (such as cognitive distortions) which connect to their child years (1994). Given the high number of offenders who are themselves victims, Maletzky and McGovern (1990) recommend the utilization of theSexual Assault Cycle which plots the offender's own routine of abuse alongside a timeline of their changing habits of sexual arousal including the way the felt, what these were doing and sensing at that time in order to identify triggers.
Other professionals have wanted to plug the distance in interventions and between the most feasible suggestions were brought up by Brig
Also We Can Offer!
- Argumentative essay
- Best college essays
- Buy custom essays online
- Buy essay online
- Cheap essay
- Cheap essay writing service
- Cheap writing service
- College essay
- College essay introduction
- College essay writing service
- Compare and contrast essay
- Custom essay
- Custom essay writing service
- Custom essays writing services
- Death penalty essay
- Do my essay
- Essay about love
- Essay about yourself
- Essay help
- Essay writing help
- Essay writing service reviews
- Essays online
- Fast food essay
- George orwell essays
- Human rights essay
- Narrative essay
- Pay to write essay
- Personal essay for college
- Personal narrative essay
- Persuasive writing
- Write my essay
- Write my essay for me cheap
- Writing a scholarship essay