The concept of national security involves the 'arrangements against risks to a country's national independence, territorial integrity and countrywide sovereignty emanating from internal or external forces or a blend of the two'. The purpose of nationwide security is to protect the core beliefs of their state: ideology, sovereignty, place, government plan and people. Buzan et al (1998) shows that security is effected by 'factors in five major sectors: military, political, economical, societal and environmental'. Because the starting of World Battle Two (WWII) there have been many significant situations across these five major industries, which have formed Malaysia's nationwide security. The most important of these situations are the Japanese occupation during WWII, the communist danger during the Cold War, the Confrontation with Indonesia, the 13 May 1969 competition riots and the 9/11 terrorists disorders. There are also many non-traditional risks, both inside and external across all industries that continue steadily to shape Malaysia's method of countrywide security today.
The aim of this paper is to put together and critically measure the major security issues which may have changed the perspective on, and method of countrywide security in Malaysia.
This article will discuss major security issues which have shaped Malaysia's method of national security since the beginning of WWII.
The Japanese influence on Malaya up to WWII had been positive in terms of invigorating Malay Nationalism and brought on the theory that Asian could issue western power. However, japan profession during WWII created a long lasting ram for Malaysia's future elite for the reason that it shaped their thoughts regarding the need for self-reliance in conditions of security and defence. Under British isles rule following the Battle, and on the eve of evolving nationalist activity for freedom, Malaya was challenged by a serious internal security threat - communist terrorists.
The First and Second Malayan Emergencies and the threat of communism are significant security incidents in the development of Malaysia's countrywide security. The success of the counterinsurgency (COIN) managed to get an example for COIN operations throughout the world. Through KESBAN and RASCOM Malaysia possessed established a complete of Government approach to internal security issues, generally centered on communist terrorists, however Malaysia was still dependent on external support against exterior conventional dangers through the Anglo-Malayan Defence Agreement (AMDA) and later the Five Powers Defence Design (FPDA).
Malaysia's focus on COIN functions through the Malayan Emergencies managed to get vulnerable to exterior conventional threats. But the Confrontation with Indonesia in the 1960s and the fall of Saigon following Vietnam War didn't perpetuate into full-scale warfare for Malaysia these situations got two significant effects on Malaysia's view, and approach to national security. Firstly, as Malaysia was still reliant on the English to deal with external conventional hazards through the AMDA and from 1971 the FPDA, they needed to assure national security by seeking regional security through diplomatic means until its Defence Pushes were sufficiently matured to cope with conventional hazards. Malaysia was an integral driver in establishing ASEAN and ZOPFAN as well as normalising ties with China and Vietnam. Second of all, the events spurred military extension toward creating a conventional war preventing capability.
It is difficult to determine whether Malaysia's continued armed forces extension and modernisation is the result of an Asian arms contest as Soong asserts or maybe the need to develop one of the smallest Defence Forces in the region to the one that is suitably self-reliant relative to the wishes of the Country wide Defence Insurance plan. Nevertheless, the development and maintenance of a credible standard war fighting ability will little when the threat to security is from within as Malaysia was regretfully to learn on 13 May 1969.
The 13 May 1969 race riots are reported to be one of the darkest occasions in Malaysian record. The reason why for the riots are many and different but can be summarised as racial indifference regarding national dialect, Malay special rights, citizenship protection under the law, and education plan. In essence, the tensions between the Malays and Chinese grew out of the perceived or actual hazard posed to each races existence either through a lack of policy or policy itself. In conditions of national security, racial tensions had been bubbling away in the backdrop of other more conventional threats such as Communism and the Confrontation with Indonesia. Regardless of the factors behind the riots this watershed moment in time, Malaysian political life was 'refashioned, the whole notion of interior security got on another sizing', based on race relationships. Racial tensions have persisted to challenge Malaysia's method of inner security with the 1998 Muslim-Hindu conflict in Kumpang Rawa, Penang; the 2001 Taman Medan Event; the 'run-ins' with HINDRAF and recently the protests in Kuala Lumpur on 27 February 2011 regarding disparaging remarks against Malay Indians in the school text e book and book 'Interlok'. In amount, there have been 1060 racial occurrences this year 2010 relating Malays, Chinese and Indians that continue steadily to threaten Malaysia's 'political stability and cultural tranquility'. In so much as the 13 May 1969 was a 'wakeup call' to significant inner security conditions that threaten 'political stability and cultural tranquility' the 'fix' appears to be more focused on policing alternatively than policy. Hence, a 'ticking time bomb' remains so long as the 'lid' of policing on the 'boiling pot' of racial inequity has a politics 'flame' that remains unattended.
The 11 Sept 2001 episodes not only evolved Malaysia's outlook on, and approach to countrywide security but that of the West and far of the growing world. The risk to Malaysia from this event and later the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005, the Jakarta JW Marriot bombing in 2003 and the 2004 Australian Embassy bombing in Jakarta was two fold. First was the actual fact that Malaysia, like any other country, is actually a goal of violent non-state stars (VNSA). Secondly, and much more alarming was that Malaysia was a mostly Muslim state and could be linked to radical Islamic groupings such as Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM) and Jemaah Islamiah (JI) and their alleged reference to Al-Qaeda. Such allegations and proof of links could erode investor self-assurance in Malaysia and become financially and politically disastrous. These worries were later realised when it was uncovered that two of the masterminds behind the Indonesian bombings were Malaysians. Malaysia's response was to establish the Southeast Asia Regional Centre for Counter Terrorism (SEARCCT) in July 2003.
Today there are a variety of security issues that continue to condition Malaysia's approach to nationwide security. The complicated overlapping claims in the resource abundant Spratly Islands (and the claim to Sabah by the Philippine's) has seen the Malaysian Armed Forces commit significant air, sea and troop assets in your community to guard and protect its promises, especially on the Ardasier, Mariveles and Swallow Reefs'. Further civil (through the Maritime Enforcement Organization (MEA) and Naval sea and air assets remain focused on patrolling and enforcing Malaysia's sea lines of communication and its own Economic Exclusion Zones (EEZ) from piracy and against the law fishing. Stretching out these security resources further are issues such as organised crime, unlawful immigrants, smuggling, and sea pollution. Malaysia's Navy, Airforce and MEA continue to obtain sizeable proportions of the Defence and Security finances to modernise and grow to cope with these dangers.
Other non-traditional and non-military threats continue increasing and therefore shape Malaysia's approach to security. These include smuggling goods and services, unlawful immigration, medicine trafficking, communicable diseases, deviant and cult categories, extremism, refugees, ethnic issues, environment disasters, cyber criminal offenses and several other unlawful activities that can be categorised as organised criminal offenses. These threats have observed Malaysia's approach to security concentrate more toward non-military dangers in recent years.
If there is a lessons to be relearned from days gone by for Malaysia regarding a procedure for national security it is the dependence on a holistic methodology as was noticeable with the execution of KESBAN in response to the Second Malayan Crisis. Malaysia's defence management has an obvious chain of command word from the Country wide Security Council (NSC) through to the cheapest rungs of the Armed Forces and Police Force. Security management is difficult, however. Eight ministries/organizations and 12 departments are accountable for the security of Malaysia. Thus creates the problem where interagency barriers hinder the well-timed application of push against a menace from a specific threat sector predicated on the untimely dissemination of brains and generally poor coordination. Although, there's a significant degree of cooperation between individual agencies accountable for national security it is merely achieved at an interagency level rather than through the chain of demand.
There have been several major security issues which may have shaped the prospect and method of security in Malaysia since WWII. The Japanese invasion shaped thought and provided the desire for self-reliance, the Malayan Emergencies designed and drove a whole of Government method of countrywide security, the Confrontation and the US drawback from Vietnam drove Armed service expansion for security and defence toward countering exterior conventional hazards and the bloody 13 May 1969 shaped Malaysia's approach back again toward internal security issues. Recently, the 9/11 episodes and myriad other non-conventional and non-military threats continue to issue and condition Malaysia's approach to nationwide security. Of be aware are the inner threats to security where in fact the approach is apparently policing over insurance policy. The author feels that unless positive and clear progress is manufactured in these areas that racial tensions will again boil to the top.
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