Using The Evaluation Construction Economics Essay

The possession of an ownership advantage provides firm the possibility to sell goods abroad but it fails to clarify why this is completed through production in the foreign market alternatively than exporting to the overseas market. Because of this, there is the necessity for an evaluation framework.


By the end of this Product, you should be able to understand and understanding the following

the importance of an evaluation platform;

the 4 requirements of the evaluation framework;

assess the contribution of MNEs in a foreign country utilizing the Evaluation Framework.


The contribution of MNEs to the introduction of the host region, more particularly growing countries or LDCs has been the main topic of much debate over the years. Whilst it is generally accepted that MNEs do add by using technology copy, skills diffusion and by getting much needed financing capital, nevertheless criticisms abound as to the negative impact of MNEs in that they are considered exploiting the neighborhood labour power, they transfer obsolete technology, plus they remove the LDCs of much needed resources.

However, MNEs were but still remain an essential ingredient of expansion, especially for growing countries. That is why it is very important for a host country's federal that it should be able to evaluate FDI in an insurance plan context. The latter process is usually done by way of an assessment Framework. An analysis framework usually encompasses 4 requirements.

3. 3 Efficiency of Learning resource Allocation

Efficiency of source allocation relates to the level to which there can be found complementarities between of monetary interests between your multinationals and the variety countries. In an identical vein, it shows the next: under what conditions do the businesses of the TNC in a bunch country contribute to the world financial welfare that cannot be achieved before?

However, the existence of MNEs in number countries is often prompted by government-induced imperfections including safeguard from imports. Such a predicament mainly took place when countries were implementing an transfer substitution industrialization strategy.

Adopting an import-substitution strategy entailed a high level of cover, via tariffs, import restriction procedures and quotas, which discriminated against exports via explicit and implicit taxes of export activities and an overvalued forex rate. Also, the government used investment certificate, differential taxes, tax vacations, exemptions and remissions to influence tool allocation between sectors and sectors.

The proponents of IS strategy firmly believed that they might have the ability to meet the local demand for manufacturing products; provide occupations for skilled labour; ease strain on the balance of repayment and strengthen the long term effective capacity of the overall economy by importing the production technology via international firms and utilizing the "infant" industry argument.

Under such an time of protectionism, MNEs were mainly regarded as being of the "market-seeking " character. Firms create plant within overseas nations to be able to provide their national market segments in the most profitable way possible. The main element location advantages (in Dunning's terminology) which driven these market-seeking opportunities were the cross-border move and communication costs; unnatural barriers (transfer limitations) to operate in goods and services; the size, income per capita and the expected growth of the neighborhood market. Though cost concerns were regarded important and even decisive in certain marginal markets, an efficiency-seeking drive was considered to be of a very secondary mother nature (Pearce, 1999).

However, the frustrating consensus is that's was failing. IS strategy has turned out to be self-defeating since they have led to huge raises in imports of equipment and inputs while transfer charges constituted a severe drain on foreign exchange. Also, IS granted excessive safety to companies producing inefficiently non-essential goods for high-income elite. Furthermore, fiscal credit and exchange rate policies, coupled with subsidies on imports of capital goods, made it possible and beneficial to entrepreneurs to count on high capital intensive equipment produced in foreign countries and technology unsuited to the factor proportions prevailing in less developed countries.

As an outcome, a new orthodoxy surfaced in the late 60's and early 70's which pressured the role of exports of labour rigorous produces as an engine of growth. This represented a return to the static theory of comparative edge with trade based after different factor proportions prevailing in a variety of countries which intended that the pendulum transformed full golf swing for development coverage in LDCs from import substitution to made exports.

Export focused strategy not only motivates free trade, but also the free movements of capital, labour, corporations and an open system of communication. In addition, it entailed better allocation of resources with businesses competing internationally based on their comparative comparative advantages. These things to consider, coupled with the emergence of trade blocks, were factors motivating changes in the proper orientation of MNEs.

MNEs underwent a complete restructuring of their global and local supply profiles. This entailed locating creation operations in only a few countries but exporting for a wider market. Each subsidiary were opened up to a completely competitive market situation which allowed the realisation of economies of range and the attainment of optimum efficiency in creation (Pearce, 1999). The "where" to create obviously gained in prominence during this era which resulted in MNEs redistributing their unchanged possession advantages in order to create a global network of subsidiaries which optimised their way to obtain established range of products. Thus, assets undertaken by MNEs were mainly of your efficiency-seeking nature.

However, one should not underestimate the key role played by the federal government throughout that period. It had been not only the decision of trade strategy but also the correct role of administration policy which was in the centre of the development concern. For instance, export-oriented expansion and appropriate macroeconomic insurance policies were mutually of economical development in the NICs. The integration of NICs into world and local economies was needed for their long-term growth. This required less federal intervention and higher reliance on private initiatives and market forces. It provided an environment conducive to foreign investment and local entrepreneurship. The Government was expected to actively promote economical expansion and use its resources to lead and support the private industry.

It was the pursuit of such appropriate guidelines by these growing countries' governments permitted shifts in their structure of international specialisation in response to the changing framework of the comparative advantages at different levels of industrial development. Because of this, the efficiency of source of information allocation improved, the rates of development accelerated, with benefits accruing to all concerned.


Distribution pertains to the scope to which the gains arising from the MNEs businesses are distributed between the partners. The web host country would demand a fair share of the huge benefits created by the investment. However, the recognition of a fair distribution is very difficult since it is almost impossible to price appropriately some contribution such as technology diffusion and managerial experience which are intangible in characteristics.

In addition, the issue of syndication is even more contentious in particular when gains of the multinationals are scheduled less to the efficiency of tool allocation and much more to advertise distortions or imperfections created and suffered in the first place by the federal government to attract these foreign organizations. Also, the distribution of such lease is influenced by the comparative bargaining durability of the multinationals and the variety government authorities in the light of factors such as taxes concessions, tariff protection and labour training.

In this light, it can be argued that there surely is a direct relationship between your bargaining strength of the sponsor country and its own degree of industrialization in a way that, the lower the industrialization level, the weaker its bargaining power. Finally, host countries cannot extract their good talk about of benefits because defects in the market for factors of production where the multinationals are strong permits these to earn monopoly lease on these factors.


Sovereignty pertains to the ways in which the multinational may compromise the economic freedom of host nations in either the short or long term. It highlights how the behaviour of multinationals may compromise the effectiveness of certain areas of the coordinator countries' insurance policies.

For example, the intra-group copy of rent, via transfer prices techniques, may undermine the autonomy of the web host countries in areas such as fiscal coverage, monetary policy, trade policy and its own attempt to control and coordinate the composition of industries.


Self-reliance pertains to the ways in which the operations of the multinational may undermine the viability or freedom of local organizations or improve their potential. The self-reliance issue also plants up through the investigations of the impact of multinationals on the commercial structure of the variety nations; for e. g. the level of concentration and/or methods of functions.

It is also worried about whether the functions of multinationals in the web host countries may either improve or restrain the availability of particular types of skills for local corporations since there are says that multinationals remunerate better their employees than local businesses.

However, there is absolutely no reason as to the reasons the partnership between local companies and multinationals should be a competitive one. They could in fact complement each other rather than act as competitors. For e. g. multinationals may have recourse to indigenous forms for their way to obtain inputs which can lead to significant benefits for the indigenous organizations by way of increased technology, better quality control methods and diffusion of skills.


1. MAURITIUS Circumstance STUDY

Mauritius is unique in having experienced a wealthy school of sweets plantation owners who were actively wanting to diversify their ventures in the first many years of independence. They have attempted horticultural and professional exports, as well much like tourist facilities, for many years. It took the arrival of Hong Kong and Taiwan textile companies to get industrialization heading, however. And South African hotel chains first helped bring the tourist facilities up to top notch standards. Why couldn't they do it alone? The key missing ingredient was the much vaunted keystone of the "new market:" knowledge. Mauritian traders lacked the depth and breadth of knowledge needed to create viable industry and tourism on their own.

The overseas Chinese and Southern African investors brought in-depth knowledge of how to run an efficient firm. They also had intimate knowledge of customers and their preferences, as well of what the competition was offering. They were able to train the Mauritian labor force, interspersing development lines with faster Chinese workers plus more versatile Indian ones to talk about productivity. Domestic shareholders, whether the sweets barons or more locals of more modest and ethnically diverse origins, unanimously reported that these were not squeezed out by foreign investment. On the contrary, they caused, learned from, and in many cases bought out overseas investors.

Ethnicity has been dealt with delicately in Mauritius, in astonishing contrast to analysts' predictions at independence. The few dozen Franco-Mauritian sugars barons who handled the overall economy at independence in 1970 confronted the typical South African headache of being cleaned in to the sea. The majority of the electorate comprised landless descendants of cane-cutters earned from the Indian subcontinent as deal labor. Yet Mauritians found a stable accommodation, in both politics and the market. The constitution explicitly recognizes ethnic minorities, providing for ten percent of parliamentary chairs to visit "also rans" from cultural minorities that would otherwise not be symbolized. The little new polity achieved in two decades an economic changeover from monocrop Sweets Island to balanced economy where textiles, travel and leisure and sugar are the pillars.

New forays are being made into business services, it and other diverse export products. Indo-Mauritians remain minimally represented as business owners, though they dominate the civil service. Sino-Mauritians, hitherto focused in smallscale business, enhanced their status through relationship with Hong Kong and Taiwan industrialists whose knowhow and investment initiated the textile sector. Economic tensions are exercised in twelve-monthly tripartite discussions between labor, administration and employers, most of whom are Franco-Mauritians. Acoustics institutions have enjoyed a critical role in the process. The rule of legislation has prevailed constantly. The sturdy financial sector, led by Mauritius Condition Lender since 1828, provides investment finance to both home and foreign traders. The British traditions schools graduate completely bilingual, often tri- and quadrilingual students, whom employers find a great property in the new global market.

Foreign And Local Investment In Mauritius

Mauritius was chosen as a research study since it has a reputation as a country in which overseas investment has played a critical and unanticipated role in industrialization, driven largely by good insurance policies. The case study bore this out, but added great difficulty to the portrait. Ethnicity was a complicating factor which could have derailed expansion, and sound corporations played as important a role as guidelines in its success.

An Summary of Investment Coverage and Performance in Mauritius

In the 1960s as independence from Britain contacted, James Meade and Burton Benedict printed several studies that foresaw a bleak economical and politics future for Mauritius. 11 Meade proposed strategies to increase the standard of living while considering projected continuing fast population progress (then over 3% per yr). He foresaw stresses of population growth on financial resources upon this small volcanic isle and advised several mitigating strategies, including increasing output, stimulating emigration and family planning. Burton Benedict challenged Meade's proposed alternatives, asserting that even if Meade's ideas on ways to increase output were followed, this would not produce results strong enough to counter the population development problem.

To the Malthusian logic in these first analyses, Benedict added matter over the future political steadiness of Mauritius. He examined the 1953 and 1962 censuses and recorded the impact of cultural, religious, caste and linguistic fragmentation on local politics-from the national level to the squabbles on the repair agreement for a little town street. He started out with the observation that Mauritians rarely identified themselves as well as others as Mauritians. In 1962 people from the Indian subcontinent were almost all, but did not comprise a single cultural group. 50. 5 percent of the populace was Hindu and 16. 2 percent Muslim China comprised 3. 4 percent of the population, and the "General People, " mainly Creoles and Franco-Mauritians constituted 29. 9 percent. Although Africans had been brought to Mauritius in slavery, African languages and ethnic categories acquired melded into a combined inhabitants speaking the Creole France patois that slowly but surely became a lingua franca of the Island. The Indo-Mauritian inhabitants was 63 percent Hindu Sanatan and 19 percent Muslim Hanafi. There were generally endogamous minority sects of both major religions (the major which were Arya Samaj and Ahmadiyya), as well as Indian Christians. Castes acquired consolidated into a bipolar mode.

They had no corporate organization, but were generally endogamous. Chinese language were nearly consistently divide between Christians and Buddhists. Indo-Mauritians were further split by terminology, which sometimes acquired cultural connotations. Hindi was the mom tongue of 36 percent of the total human population and Urdu of 13. 5 percent. Smaller Tamil and Telugu categories seldom intermarried with other Hindus. The "General people" of metisse, Franco-Mauritians and more was 96 percent Roman Catholic. The Franco-Mauritian individuals, are generally descendants of French nobility who fled there during the French Trend. The British gained control of the island through the Napoleonic wars andgoverned it until 1968, but the French families dominated the local society and current economic climate.

For the dependency theorists of the 60s, Mauritius was an archetypical monocrop colonial current economic climate. It depended on sugars for 99 percent of exports and 1 / 3 of GDP. Cane fields occupied 90 percent of arable land. Of that, 55 percent was had by 25 Franco-Mauritian family members, often dubbed sugars barons. The remaining 45 percent of sugar estates were had by 84, 000 small farmers, mostly of Indian origins. Minimal food was produced on the island. The majority who dominate numerically in a democratic Mauritius was a land-poor human population of previous indentured laborers on sweets plantations from the Indian subcontinent. Until recently they had been considered transients, not counted as people of the populace.

Benedict's complex evaluation of the ethnic situation have little to lift up the prevailing pessimism about Mauritius' future. The colonial government commissioned Meade to brain an appointed percentage to create an monetary strategy. The Meade Record was to firmly influence the government in creating its original import substitution industrialization policy. The key recommendations in the Meade Survey included tariff safety for certain local sectors, a decrease of corporate tax from 40 to 30 percent, tax vacations for five of the first eight years of a company, priority of capital costs for projects resulting in productive job and the abolition of tariffs on importation of machine tools and equipment. These plans already centered on investment promotion, an insurance plan which successive Mauritian governments have consistently favored. Even while early on as 1960, investment in Mauritius come to 30% of GDP, a shape only recently achieved by the most successful economies in East Asia and mainly unheard of in the expanding world.

At this time, however, neither the new federal of Mauritius, nor others in the expanding world, had identified the bond between investment policy and the larger political and economic context. Several tendencies of the first government, which was dominated by the Mauritian Labour Get together from freedom in 1968 until 1982, limited the potency of investment promotion bonuses. One matter of foreign shareholders was political stability. There had been some communal violence just before self-reliance, and the new Hindu dominated federal maintained a delicate truce with minorities, including Muslim, Chinese language and Franco-Mauritians. Other concerns focused around macroeconomic policies. Currency controls and protecting tariffs made to nurture transfer substitution industries [for the tiny national market], brought up energy and transfer costs and times for potential exporters. The involvement of administration in labor/ management negotiations and the creation of status corporations in key industries led traders to have a wait to see attitude toward administration. And the fledgling transfer and telecommunications infrastructure was scarcely adequate.

The notion of creating an export advertising zone (EPZ) was put into the policy mix in 1970, only 2 yrs after independence. It had been motivated by the success of Taiwan. Within a season the EPZ legislation was approved. In a heart stroke of brilliance, professional market leaders and policy-makers became aware that Mauritius, being a tiny island with readily controlled access, could declare the whole island an EPZ-it didn't have to have a fenced area. This allowed traders to build in dispersed locations, to help in transport for his or her staff and/or their products. Just a few foreign investors required benefit of the EPZ regulation in the 1970s, however.

Mauritius' isolated location in the Indian Sea, its currency control buttons and uncertain politics situation reportedly influenced the first shareholders to limit their commitments. What became the flagship textile company, for example, was set up at first to do only the creation - marketing and management were based in Japan and Hong Kong respectively.

By the end of the 1970s Mauritius was experiencing many of the same problems that other African countries acquired with state corporations, protecting tariffs, and currency controls. Without petroleum resources, it had been struck hard by OPEC's escalation of essential oil prices and the global financial distortions that ensued. Federal was jogging unsustainable annual deficits, the total amount of trade was negative, industry was stagnant, and foreign exchange rationing slowed down all orders. A devastating cyclone catalyzed an alteration in direction and in government. An alliance of ex - opposition gatherings, the Mauritian Militant Activity (MMM) and Mauritian Socialist Get together (PSM), won the 1982 elections, changing the dominating get together position for the very first time since electoral politics was created in 1947.

The new federal scrapped the blended strategy of the 1970s, liberalized the money, retreated from subsidizing condition corporations, and put its full attempts into voluntary structural modification and promoting export-led expansion. In retrospect, a recently available government report views that decision as an inevitable logical effect of Mauritius' geographic situation. The survey, Mauritius at Crossroads (1995) points out that as a tiny island, physically tied to lack of arable land and relying entirely on sugar for forex, "Mauritius was condemned to turn to an competitive export strategy. However, it had not been until the early on 80s that overseas investment actually became popular. And, it appears, partly as a consequence so too do domestic investment take off.

Today, corresponding to Mauritius at Crossroads, every Mauritian is trained the idea "Export or Pass away. " This viewpoint has led to the introduction of a audio business environment which is friendly to investors, both local and overseas, and that provides an attractive investment incentives program to compensate for having less resources and the no-longer inexpensive work force. The older era of commercial and government leaders also strains that Mauritians have discovered to produce a virtue of these ethnic diversity. The transition to an export-led strategy came up at a time of crisis. The ill-paid work force was still predominantly of Indian origins, as was the government, whereas the professional sector was led by Franco-Mauritians, Hong Kong/Taiwan traders and a few Sino-Mauritians.

Several interviewees defined the moment like they had seen one another, then at the encompassing hundreds of kilometers of sea, and chosen that they might sink or swim jointly. For the export strategy, Mauritius needed to reach out to Hong Kong and Taiwan textile magnates, who acquired the capital and skills to organize a competitive industry. Franco-Mauritian local capital and know-how, and associates were had a need to open up Western market segments. A cooperative, trainable labor force was had a need to attract investors. And government would have to be fully focused on its investor-friendly strategy. Mauritius had hard-working bilingual predominantly male work force. They were skilled in farming, not industrial work. Most analysts doubted that Hindu or Muslim women would ever before emerge from the home and into the workplace. Within six or seven years, Mauritius acquired full employment, and industrial employees were mainly women.

Policies were the primary, but not the only element in investment decisions. Promoting investment has been on the top of the government's professional agenda throughout the various development phases, however the understanding of what works for shareholders, for government as well as for the society all together, has evolved continually. The first plainly defined policy emerged in 1961, as the colonial federal government began to prepare for an unbiased Mauritius, with the Industrial Development Tax Relief Work. The Export Handling Zone took effect in 1971, among the first serves of the newly independent administration. Support services for exporters were given a fillip in 1981 with the Export Service Zones Act.

In 1985, the Mauritius Export Development and Investment Expert (Marketing) was established as the executive arm of the Ministry of Industry. Its main duties are to appeal to investment, promote exports and manage commercial estates. Investors obviously weighed these incentives up against the inconveniences created by location, lack of local food and gasoline materials and small market size. The sole major coverage disincentive for overseas investors is they are not allowed to possess land. Administration has compensated by providing fully equipped professional sites for lease. Hotel buyers generally spouse with an area landowner. Inside the 1980s Mauritius offered inexpensive labor, but within a decade the development of the textile and hotel industries had brought salary to a middle level, by world standards. From the late 1980s through early on 1990s, Mauritius experienced full career. Rising income have gradually costed the textile industry out of its mass-production T-shirt lines, and compelled both administration and industry to rethink development strategies.

The Industrial Extension Take action of 1993 was a partial response to the issue. Through it Mauritius affirmed its determination to long lasting zero taxes rates for exporters, and added a bundle of new-targeted incentive programs, providing for high technology buyers, offshore financial services and freeport services. The entire range of incentive programs Mauritius which were offered is shown in Stand 6. 1. To increase confidence in the commercial sector generally, corporate taxes for manufacturers who do not qualify for the EPZ zerorate was cut from 35 to 15 percent.

Table 3. 1: Manufacturing - Fiscal Incentives



Export Enterprise


· All produced goods for exports

· Produce of profound sea sportfishing (Including fresh or frozen fish)

· Printing and publishing as well as associated operations

· IT activities

· Agro Industries

· No traditions work, or sales duty on recycleables and equipment

· No corporate and business tax

· No taxes on dividends

· No capital increases tax

· Free repatriation of income, dividends and capital

· 60% remission of customs responsibilities on buses of 15-25 seating used for the transportation of employees.

· Exemption from payment of half the standard registration charge on land and properties by new


· Alleviation on personal tax for 2 expatriate staff

Pioneer Position Enterprise

· Activities involving technology and skills above average existing in Mauritius and likely to

enhance industrial and scientific development.

· Applicant companies will come under one of three broad categories

(a) new technology,

(b) support business and

(c) service establishments.

· No customs duty, or sales tax on appointed equipment or materials.

· 15% corporate tax

· No taxes on dividends

· Free repatriation of earnings, dividends and capital

Strategic Local Enterprise

· Local industry manufacturing for the local market and employed in an activity more likely to promote

and enhance the economic, commercial and technological development of Mauritius.

· 15% commercial tax

· No taxes on dividends

Modernization and Expansion Enterprise

· Two broad categories

· Investment in profitable machinery and equipment, such as automation equipment and

processes and computer applications to commercial design, produce and maintenance


· Investment in anti-pollution and environment safety technology to be made within 2 years

of night out of problem of certificate.

· No traditions duty on creation equipment

· Income tax credit of 10% (spread over three years) of investment in new plant and machinery,

provided at least Rs 10 million are spent which occurs within two years of time frame of issue of

certificate. (This is in addition to existing capital allowances which amount to 125%of capital

expenditures. )

· Businesses incurring expenditure on anti-pollution machinery or plant reap the benefits of a further

incentive, i. e. a short allowance of 80% instead of the standard 50%

Industrial Building Enterprise

Construction for letting purposes of commercial properties or levels thereof, provided floor space is

at least 1000 square meters. Special conditions

The applicant can only be considered a company intending to erect an professional building to be let to the holder of a certificate (other than an commercial building enterprise license) issued under this Work or even to an enterprise employed in the make or processing of goods or materials except the

milling of sweets.

· 15% commercial tax

· No taxes on dividends

· Subscription dues for land purchase: 50% exemption

· Additionally there is a non-fiscal incentive, particularly the disapplication of the Landlord and Tenant Act,

i. e. lease control

Source: Destination Mauritius, Mauritius Export Development and Investment Authority (Mass media).

Table 3. 2: Services - Fiscal Incentives


Offshore Business

Conduct of business with non-residents and in currencies other than the Mauritian Rupee. Activities include: just offshore banking, offshore insurance, offshore cash management, international financial services, operational Headquarters, international consultancy services, shipping and delivery and ship management, aircraft financing and leasing, international licensing and franchising, international data processing and other information technology services, offshore pension cash, international trading and possessions management, international work services · No tax on profits

· Free repatriation of profits

· Complete independence from exchange control

· Concessionary personal tax for expatriate staff

· Complete exemption from fees on imported office equipment

· Complete exemption from transfer duties on autos and household equipment for two expatriate

staff per company

· No withholding tax on interest payable on debris raised from non-residents by just offshore banks

· No withholding duty on dividends and benefits payable by offshore entities, no house duty or

inheritance duty is payable on the inheritance of talk about in an offshore entity, no capital gain duty.

Freeport Transshipment and re-export trade, e. g. warehousing and safe-keeping, large breaking, sorting, grading, cleaning, combining, packing and repacking, trivial control and simple assembly · No commercial tax

· Complete exemption from repayment customs work and sales taxes on

all equipment, equipment and materials imported into a Freeport zone for exclusive use in

the freeport

all goods destined for re-export, access to offshore bank facilities, warehousing and storage fees at preferential rates

Export Service Zone Export focused service companies, such as accountancy, law, medication, international marketing, quality evaluation, pre-shipment services, civil executive, management consultancy, re-insurance, entrepot trade, transshipment

· 15% Commercial tax

· Exemption from payment of tax on dividends

· No traditions duty on office equipment

Source: Destination Mauritius, Mauritius Export Development and Investment Power (Press).

Table 3. 3: Others - Investment Incentives


Agricultural Development


· 15% corporate tax

· Exemption from repayment of income tax on dividends

· Free repatriation of capital, earnings and dividends

· Exemption from repayment of customs responsibility on equipment and equipment

· Exemption from payment of 50% of the standard registration charge on land and complexes purchased

by the new business.

Hotel Management


· 15% corporate and business tax

· Taxes free dividends for 10 years

· Free repatriation of income, dividends and capital subject to original investment being received

"A" position from the lender of Mauritius

· Term lending options and overdraft at preferential rates

Hotel Development

· 5% corporate and business tax

· Tax free dividends for 10 years

· Exemption of customs responsibility on importation of equipment as per approved list

· Free repatriation of revenue, dividends and capital at the mercy of original investment being received

"A" status

· Term lending options and overdraft at preferential rates

Source: Destination Mauritius, Mauritius Export Development and Investment Power (Mass media).

Factors in Investor's Decisions


Four main factors initially tended to detract from Mauritius as an investment location: its size, isolation, insufficient natural resources, and uncertain sociopolitical future. Mauritius can be an isolated speck in the Indian Ocean. The nearest country, Madagascar, is some 500 miles to the West. Sri Lanka is 2000 a long way in the East. The great ranges from potential market segments for its products tend to add to its transportation costs, whether by sea or air. The island is of volcanic origins and has no mineral deposits of any commercial value. The soils are shallow and poor in phosphates, and farming without fertilizers is impossible. The main one natural tool Mauritius has been able to develop is its beaches. It has over 95 vacationer hotels.

With freedom in 1968, Mauritius inherited a fierce issue of unemployment and landlessness. The population skills were limited mainly to glucose plantation work. Additionally, a population of hardly 700, 000 constitutes a very small home market. The policies favoring import substitution industries clearly was based on political pressures and nationalism. Neither theories nor realities of international competition were well recognized.

Furthermore, dependence of the market on sugar, for 99 percent of exports and 70 percent of job, designed that the market was extremely susceptible to fluctuations in world glucose prices and natural disasters like cyclone, drought and diseases. With such a hostile start for investment, what factors then resulted in the choice of Mauritius as an investment location to foreign investors? How do local investors begin? What were the catalysts behind the investment increase in Mauritius?


Foreign investment had not been one factor in the early years of self-reliance. Local investment grew strongly from 1972 through 1978. Overseas investment only commenced to be documented as a separate occurrence in 1976. The registry of businesses and oral interviews claim that it was negligible until twelve months earlier. Domestic investment thus evidently led the investment increase in Mauritius, rendering it an exception to the global structure. There was a short three years of foreign investment from 1975 through 1977, a period when local investment also continued to increase. The first Hong Kong textile company pioneered with the EPZ legal framework, but it struggled in the early years and influenced little imitation.

In the overdue 1970s and early 1980s came some economic, politics and climatic crises that induced an abrupt dropping off in new investment, both overseas and local. Glucose prices were down on the globe market, the united states was experiencing political tensions, and a major cyclone destroyed both the sugar crop and much of the island's infrastructure. The problems of 1979-81 proved a turning point for Mauritius' current economic climate, a period of rethinking that resulted in a renewed nationwide consensus and common economic strategy.

The change was included with the announcement of a proper structural adjustment strategy by the federal government. Unlike structural modification programs imposed somewhere else on unwilling and/or uncomprehending governments, Mauritians seem to obtain devised its strategy and united behind it. The new policy position grew out of your dynamic civic control on the part of local investors and government. Traders described why the EPZ laws had not been sufficient to conquer the constraints, and functioned together with government to plan a more liberal, more strong future.

By then your socio-political situation came out more steady. Tripartite labor negotiations, held yearly then as now, provide a forum in which all people come to comprehend the economic dynamics impacting on them and to reach a consensus on development strategy. When the federal government changed hands through peaceful elections in 1982 and the new government made an appearance even more committed to a market overall economy, foreign investors had taken note.

In the early 1980s, after greater than a 10 years of misguided attempts at industrialization, it became clear that the limited size of the local market meant that an transfer substitution strategy could not be viable. The federal government opted for an outward-oriented strategy resulting in export-led development. Ironically, the EPZ legislation had been in effect from 1970, but only became one factor in Mauritius' development from 1983 on, when all people agreed to try to make it happen. Once the tactical planning and coverage dialogue functions were established, they truly became a traditions. Three successive pillars have contributed to investment, the Export Control Zone (EPZ), travel and leisure and financial/business services. The EPZ was the primary concentration from 1983 through 1993, tourism from 1990 to the present, and financial/business services only in the past couple of years.

Once the new guidelines were clear and a peaceful national consensus was proven, foreign investment emerged in a strong spurt from 1983 to 1990. Traders from Hong Kong and Taiwan helped bring know how essential for the development of the textile/garment industry. Local shareholders, mainly Franco-Mauritian with some Sino-Mauritians, welcomed them and openly desired to learn from them. While local investors possessed surplus capital to get, they didn't have know-how to determine manufacturing business such as textiles. They required benefit of the possibility to study from the foreign buyers, and within a couple of years, they ended up buying out most of the foreign owners.

Foreign Investors

The 'Move Factors'

The success of Mauritius in attracting overseas investment in the mid-1980s rested on creating the right financial and social climate by emphasizing the following factors

· Political balance and coverage consistency

Governments in Mauritius have evolved several times since freedom, without assault and without changes in investment plans. The long-term strategy, the entire vision and economic policies have become increasingly stable and pro-investor. Investment incentives have gone from favorable to even more beneficial.

· Sound Institutions

Sound organizations have been proven to be the main one factor that can outweigh the negative impact of ethnic diversity on economic insurance policies and economic expansion. (Easterly and Levine 1996) Mauritius inherited a distinctive set of acoustics legal, financial and educational organizations at independence and has resisted the institutional deterioration experienced generally in most African countries. Mauritian organizations acquired French underpinning with a English superstructure. Napoleonic Code, for example, was overlaid with English common rules and courts.

The unique constitution provides for ethnic and geographic balance in Parliament. One member districts elect 62 of the 70 seating. This technique favors local accommodation between staff and their constituents of all ethnic roots, unlike the polarizing proportional representation system. Furthermore, the Mauritian constitution provides for up to eight chairs to be awarded to cultural minority individuals who place "next best, " if their group is not normally represented in Parliament.

A French patois is the lingua franca and formal France is taught in the universities, but the primary language of teaching is English. At independence there is 70 percent literacy, generally in both English and France. Hindi, Urdu, Tamil, Tulugu, and many Chinese languages are spoken. Written literacy in these languages is less widespread, but the option of native speaker systems of shareholders' own dialects has made a variety of investors feel comfortable in Mauritius. In the early years, basic literacy was sufficient. Today stock owners are pressuring the government to provide top quality, bettertargeted vocational and technical education.

A single loan company offered the island at independence, but it was a sound one, providing a range of financial services since 1828. Buyers trusted their cash to it, and sometimes also benefited from local credit. Financial services today are much like the level in South Africa, a significantly larger economy. An array of supporting services including commercial, development and investment finance institutions, insurance firms, auditing, accounting and consulting firms has developed to serve the new industrial economy.

Mauritians use bank cards easily, whereas many African businesspeople lack access to bank cards. Auto teller machines outside major lenders provide cash and admit deposits after hours. These facilities reduce business deal costs, which is greatly appreciated by buyers. Economic development books also emphasizes the importance of esteem for private property privileges and an efficient and genuine bureaucracy. On this score Mauritius gets blended results. There has been no background of expropriation no evidence that buyers had been necessary to give a percentage of their business to government officials, as happened in other African countries. Alternatively, two or three cases were found where major investments were abandoned baffled by the original foreign investors. It had been beyond the opportunity of this newspaper to investigate all the reasons, but there plainly were some quite disappointed shareholders.

Business integrity can even be considered an institutional factor. Mauritian organizations regularly post audited accounts. This added to the trust necessary for government to permit an island-wide EPZ, and for banks to preserve the credit system. This basis for common trust can be an important missing element in many business communities in Africa. As the higher rate of literacy offers a skilled labor pool for the civil service, research ranking the government on a number of indices reveal important shortcomings in overall effectiveness. The 1998 African Competitiveness Report for the entire world Economic Forum provides the most recent study data, which is summarized for key countries in Table 6. 4. (See Annex)

· Cheap, trainable labor force

In the first years, that is, prior to the investment boom, there is substantial unemployment. Labor was therefore cheap compared to places like Hong Kong and Taiwan where the 1980s wave of buyers in Mauritius originated. The version had not been simple, as Mauritians were in the beginning slow in assemblage brand work and unreliable in their attendance. Manufacturer owners use many combinations of carrot and adhere to enhance their efficiency. Some are trying team approaches to production. Several factories reported that they intersperse over the assembly range experienced Chinese individuals, whose result is often three times the Mauritian average. In addition they bring in Indian employees with multiple process skills to fill in for absentees in several spots every day. Over time, production reached an acceptable degree of both efficiency and quality generally in most factories. Several succumbed, however, through the early on years. In those who survived, skilled deal China and Indian laborers are still an important stimulus to output. Using a literacy rate of over 90 percent and almost all of the work force having at least went to primary school, Mauritian workers could learn relatively easily, especially as most of the techniques of development in areas being targeted (textiles) were simple and labor-intensive. The organizations benefited greatly from sales and office personnel who have been fluent in both Asian and Western dialects. Much credit goes to the nice quality schools, in which students learn both English and France in addition with their mom tongues.

· Good economic management

After 1980, the federal government created a audio macroeconomic environment through judicious blending of regulations. Inflation was held at a low level and monetary policy was geared towards promoting a savings culture. The Rupee is convertible and the exchange rate against other currencies has devalued only slowly.

· Infrastructure

The Mauritius Government invested greatly in infrastructure. This engaged the overhauling of the street network, the airport terminal, extension of the telecommunications, electricity and water network. Fully functional professional estates provided sites and services for lease, to minimize shareholders' start-up costs. Mauritius Telecom has been one of the last to be privatized, so you can find little competition in the sector. Nevertheless, it includes regularly modernized and reduced costs of service.

· Preferential market access

Mauritius has preferential access to the Western market through the Lom Convention and Glucose Protocol and to the US through the Multi-fiber agreement. It also has a sugars quota with the United States. Through the 1980 and early on 1990s it became a member of the so-called "frontline areas" surrounding South Africa in overlooking sanctions, with regard to its own economical survival. This proven a increase, as South Africa became a significant trading partner and way to obtain tourists. Membership in regional monetary assistance groupings such as SADC is an advantage on which Mauritius is keeping track of for the next phase of development.

· Investment bonuses and promotions

Hong Kong shareholders described actively surveying potential investment sites. Most were removed after considering the above factors. When the ultimate selection time arrived, investment incentives decided their choice of Mauritius from among the last several candidates.

· The people

The multi-ethnic, multilingual aspect of Mauritian society has been an asset in providing a welcoming and friendly investment environment to foreigners. In particular, the Mauritians of Indian and Chinese source have provided an environment which is 'home-like' to buyers especially from India, Hong Kong, China and Taiwan. They feel safe, accepted and can trust individuals around them while in Mauritius.

· Strategic use of its location

Mauritius has changed its depressed island location into a "gateway to Africa" in its promotional books. Its first success arrived in attracting Southern African stopover flights and tourism during the sanctions period, when South Africans got nowhere else to travel between home and Europe. For the textile industry, Mauritius' location was an acceptable halfway between head office in Asia and markets in Europe, although without strong press factors, it is doubtful that they would have wanted it out. Recently Mauritius' offshore banking arrangements have targeted traders from India and European countries interested in the advantages made available from bilateral double-taxation treaties. Mauritian policy-makers believe it can catch the attention of a significant volume of shipping by pushing ships with storage containers filled with Asian goods to stop and repackage mixed shipments for different African countries. This is a new notion and new service, currently functioning well below capacity.

6. 2. 3. 2 The 'Push Factors'

Mauritius' success arrives in no small strategy to alertness and potential to react to external global incidents. This convenience of quick response is the newest new thing in tactical planning. Having indigenous market leaders with close ties to Asia and European countries allowed Mauritius to understand and integrate lessons from the fads in each before the age group of instant cheap global marketing communications. The key occurrences for Mauritians were the British decision at hand over Hong Kong to China and the international Multifiber Agreement, which together directed Hong Kong industrialists searching for new havens for capital and textile industry development.

· The Sino-British contract over Hong Kong

When in 1985 Perfect Minister Margaret Thatcher signed an agreement to end British guideline over Hong Kong in 1999, and relinquish it to communist China, Hong Kong capitalists noticed insecure. There is an atmosphere of uncertainty over what would befall Hong Kong after its handover. Business people in Hong Kong were looking to diversify, if not relocate.

· The Multifiber Agreement

In the early 1980s, the multifibre arrangement was signed and US further tightened its quota of textiles from Hong Kong and Taiwan. The abroad Chinese language textile barons found an possibility to take good thing about the Mauritius unfulfilled US quota and the preferential textile market access to Western european market. Hong Kong and Indian shareholders reported studying different investment locations, such as Madagascar and Sri Lanka that have been also providing EPZ facilities. Madagascar acquired limited infrastructure and a poorly educated population, while Sri Lanka was riddled with insecurity due to the Tamil Tigers rebellion. Madagascar was considered unsafe and acquired unfavorable government regulations towards investment. Mauritius offered a safe enclave with the people of the same civilizations and life-style.

· High labor cost in Hong Kong

By the mid-1980s the maturing textile industry in Hong Kong and Taiwan was finding income pressure. In Mauritius, with its high unemployment, they hoped to find cheap labor that might be as useful as that in Asia.

6. 2. 4 Local Investors

The factors that attracted foreign traders were equally import to local buyers. However, local buyers had additional considerations that dished up to catalyze their new purchases in the 1980s. Among these, were the next

· Really need to diversify

A range of sugar barons got capital available for investment in the 1980s, plus they knew much better than anyone the focused risks of an monocrop economy. In addition, new glucose investment was prevented by insufficient land. They tried out many non-traditional agricultural exports, such as slash flowers grown in ecological microclimates. Once shown just how by foreigners, however, they started reinvesting the sweets profits in textiles, and later tourism and other styles of light industry.

· EPZ design and federal incentives

Local investors appear to own been more determined by the EPZ advantages than foreigners, perhaps because their economic activities were rooted in Mauritius. They could quickly assess that possessing a significant-and possibly fluid-portion of the possessions in tax-free corporations should be good business.

· Local loan company lending

Banks enjoyed an important role in bringing up local investors by giving them loans at attractive rates. THE STATE OF HAWAII Bank or investment company of Mauritius, founded in 1828, was the mainstay of investment bank in Mauritius, although lately a half-dozen new banking institutions have inserted the picture. Local buyers could financing up to 80 percent with their investment. Foreign buyers could financing 50 to 60 percent locally. Interest levels at the time of the field research in Oct 1997 were 9-10 percent on long-term lending options.

· Local human population linkages with European countries, India and China

Local traders could access the required technology, entrepreneurial skills, start-up capital and markets through linkages with European countries (France and Britain) and Asia.

· The potential in traveler industry

The Mauritians either working in hotel industries previously owned by foreign companies or wanting to break from the monocrop culture recognized travel and leisure as a potential sector with development prospects. Due to the land regulations and local political influence, they had an edge over foreigners in acquiring plots across the beaches. The sugars barons, in the drive to diversify, started buying the hotel industry.

· Historical factors

Many Mauritians credit the grit of immigrants for the nationwide success. Immigrants generally create a strong instinct to make it through and also have a spirit of experience. Immigrants generally leave the motherland with the hope and conviction of an improved life. They arrive in a new land with all energies mobilized for success, as you can find little social back-up. Therefore the spirit of excelling is inherent in their lives. The fact that no group can promise territorial privileges also helps blunt the edge of cultural sentiments.

6. 3 Linkages between Foreign and Local Investment

6. 3. 1 Linkages between Foreign and Local Partners

Local and overseas traders have been present right away in both main sectors of monetary diversification in Mauritius, industrialization and travel and leisure. In most regions of both industrialization and tourism, local shareholders preceded foreign in the first efforts, but the real boom commenced when foreigners required the lead. International investors possessed the technical making knowledge, factory management know-how and market contacts needed to do well. Local traders were interested right away, however. They helped bring land, management potential and capital to the desk.

Similarly in tourism, there have been some locally had hotels in early stages. The real expansion spurt, however, emerged when Sun International, a South African centered chain, brought international standards of architecture, services and entertainment to the business enterprise. They were a minority partner, Mauritian sugar pursuits having provided a lot of the capital and access to the land, but Sun supervised the first luxury hotels. Local hotels quickly began innovating themselves, bringing up the overall quality in the sector. Today the newest and most luxurious hotels are Mauritian owned or operated and managed.

The EPZ legislations was passed soon after independence, but many of the first companies catered to transfer substitution for the local market. By the end of the first decade there have been only 100 EPZ businesses. The transfer substitution market sectors were a good professional apprenticeship for local buyers, as the mass-market products produced required relatively simple manufacturing techniques, and quality had not been at a premium in a covered market. Foreign shareholders were slow to decide on Mauritius in the first 10 years after self-reliance, because its now renowned politics and social stability was considered uncertain at the time. None knew whether the Hindu majority would nationalize land and establishments or let the Franco-Mauritians and Sino-Mauritians continue to dominate the economy.

As exports industries began to expand in more technical and competitive establishments from 1983 on, both local and international investors identified that there was strong synergy between their companies. Kin and ethnic networks enjoyed an important role in forging practical partnerships. Hong Kong manufacturers emerged buying a safe haven for capital and quota-free access to markets. They knew the machinery, the factory organization, the staff member training needs, and the customers' likes. In fact they showed up with orders at hand. The first big businesses, however, lacked sufficient assurance in Mauritius' social stability to copy all of its functions here.

Purely local investors welcomed the foreign investors rather than experiencing them as competition. Many local garment businesses acquired their start doing commission payment work (lower, make up and lean) on shirt purchases too big for a foreign factory to take care of. They appointed away skilled labor and managers from the overseas companies when they could. Customers who came to deal with the foreign-owned companies ceased by to see how many other factories were producing. Thus local businesses acquired clients.

The Fragile Early Years

Floreal Knitwear, one of the Island's current flagship businesses, was proven by Oriental Pacific Export (Hong Kong) in 1971 to do only creation. Marketing was supposed to be handled by the Japanese organization. When that design failed, Oriental Pacific sold-out three years later rather than setup local marketing procedures. Their successors think that it was due to the fact Mauritius was then experiencing an interval of political anxiety, and that the buyers feared because of its future balance. In retrospect, they misjudged the politics situation. The local organization created by the glucose interests which bought out Oriental Pacific has gone on to become a local and local conglomerate.

Joint endeavors were one method of collaboration, particularly initially. Today they aren't the most common. Not even half of current overseas organizations are joint endeavors. Joint ventures are voluntary on both sides, and joint venture local associates always bring capital to the stand. This is a major difference between obligatory joint venture schemes which have been tried out, with little success, anywhere else in Africa. Often, in the latter, the capital subscribed by the African partner was a fiction-either lent him by the overseas partner or exacted as a political favor. Mauritius appears to have largely avoided this kind of jv.

In the hotel sector similar human relationships apply, although Mauritian traders have a strong advantages in their usage of perfect land. The deal of land to non-Mauritians is prohibited by law. Foreigners can beat this by creating an area firm, which then has the to buy land. Used, however, the majority of the prime land for both tourism and industry is performed by Mauritians. Inside the hotel sector one sees several hotels possessed 80 to 100 percent by Mauritians but been able by foreign companies. There are also 100 percent overseas owned hotels, however they are not many and they record difficulty buying land.

6. 3. 2 Outsourcing/Jobbing

Many local organizations reported that they got their start working on a contract basis for big overseas businesses. When large firms have a hurry order bigger than they are designed for, they fee smaller locally owned ones to trim, make and trim the pieces. Small firms reported that this is that they learned which models were retailing and the quality of work that was required. The top companies would come use them to ensure that the task was completed accurately. Doing this both they and their work force received additional training.

6. 3. 3 Global Sourcing

The multiple ethnic linkages on the island created an instantaneous international sourcing network before the years of globalization. The Press spokesperson considers that Mauritius' garment industry has a major benefit over South Africa's much larger sector in this value. South Africa's garment and textile industries are vertically included, which ties garment manufacturers to high-cost mediocre quality fabric in a limited selection of styles.

In Mauritius, most of the neighborhood garment industry is knitwear alternatively than woven towel. Knitwear involves several less steps than woven, as the fabric and garment are created in an designed procedure. Many knitting businesses do their own spinning, getting their uncooked cotton mainly from India. Others source their yarn from India. Organic wool comes mainly from Australia and New Zealand, but niche wools come from the UK. Dyes for both cotton and wool come mainly from Germany. Mauritian companies were able to compare global resources early on, plus they quickly varied whenever price/quality ratios change. In this field as well, local firms reported being happy to be able to learn from the larger foreign firms.

There is some vertical integration in Mauritian textiles and garments, but it reaches the high quality end and plainly mutually beneficial. Two ultramodern Mauritian textile organizations produce shirting for garment creators supplying Grades and Spencers (UK) and other upscale businesses. Both were created by garment producers working with top-end retailers wanting to integrate their functions upstream to ensure quality and supply. All the woven cloth comes to local garment designers, and demand surpasses capacity.

6. 3. 4 Training and Techie Assistance

Firms are aware of the actual fact that they benefit from one another's attempts to train the labor force and from distributed technical assistance. Technical assistants sent by the buyer to work with a large organization will sometimes also use their smaller outsourcers. And everything firms be competitive to recruit qualified personnel. Primarily the Hong Kong firms provided much of the labor force training. Initially they brought in line professionals and the majority of a type of employees from Hong Kong workers to show the Mauritians the needed skills.

In the hotel sector, training has engaged far less direct foreign complex assistance. The professionals of Mauritian hotels, however, reported on the job experience working under foreign professionals at local hotels.

6. 3. 5 Labor Force

In the early 1980s Mauritius was fifteen years into independence and still had 23-25 percent unemployment. Its one big edge was that over 90 percent of men and women were iterate, and most secondary university graduates spoke both People from france and English. When the second influx of Hong Kong traders began to arrive in large numbers in 1984, they create text

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