Communist Insurgency In The Philippines History Essay

The notion of Communism has come quite a distance, since its early on Marxist conception. In its very sense, Communism is concerned with the abolishment of the ruling course and the to private property. Essentially, it connotes communal justice to everyone residing in a given place. Social justice in this sense would mean that each constituent, whatever the interpersonal strata to which they belong, would be cared for with equal importance in conditions of human rights and property and be given access to the resources that the state should provide to its people.

Communism in the Philippines is actually synonymous to the ideals and key points that common Marxists uphold. The inequality between your ruling and working course paved the way for communism in the united states to develop. Throughout the previous years, advocators of the ideology (particularly the CPP-NPA-NDF) proliferated all over the island and also have continued to uphold the belief that everyone inhabiting this country should get equal opportunity to gain access to resources that the country owns. They have got continued their struggle of preventing the bureaucrat-capitalism, feudalism, imperialism, problem, and other varieties of sociable injustice that continue to haunt the country from the Pre-World War II era until the present time.

The Communist Get together of the Philippines (CPP) indeed, made significant influences in Philippine modern culture. Although declared against the law by the government, the forces of the CPP nevertheless manifested itself in a variety of elements of the archipelago. They may have managed to resist the military forces which constantly work for their downfall over the years.

Why is this so? Why, in spite of the downfall of Soviet Union, communism in China, and many other socialist countries, the CPP managed to experience as a political company? To answer these questions, this newspaper intends to enumerate the several factors that contributed to the emergence and persistence of communist insurgency in the united states. From the initial communist get together, which is the PKP, this newspaper will discuss how it was re-established combined with the internal and external crises that contributed for this talk about of the motion. Furthermore, a brief debate of the party's strategy of your protracted people's warfare, as well as the various counter-insurgency programs applied by the federal government to combat the rebels will be offered. A thorough statement of the reality behind the pervasive stamina of the Communist insurgents here in the Philippines will be explicated. Hence, this newspaper is timely as it could contribute to the shaping of public awareness and thoughts and opinions regarding on an extremely substantial concern in the country.

The long-time have difficulties of the working course to accomplish a world that will accommodate equality and justice among people who participate in various socio-economic strata has resulted to the forming of revolutionary moves (Dela Cruz, 2006). Even prior to the Philippines managed to achieve its self-reliance from overseas colonizers, communist insurgency has started out. Corresponding to Cusi (1996), the Communist insurgency in the Philippines had its early beginnings when a amount of supporters of Tan Malaca, an Indonesian Communist innovator, began to recruit and set up members through the early 20's. The recruited associates, almost all of them labourers, were then formally setup on August 26, 1930 as the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP, Philippine Communist Party) at the Templo del Trabajo that was then the main place of gathering for the labor components of the city through the early 30's. With its original 60 members, it was then officially proclaimed as the Communist Get together of the Philippines (CPP) by Crisanto Evangelista on November 7, 1930 at the Plaza Moriones, Tondo which is known to be the center of the working-class district of Manila (Saulo, 1990).

The establishment of the PKP as a genuine party of the working-class has aimed to uphold the unfinished revolution of Andres Bonifacio, the Great Plebeian. Though Bonifacio's have difficulty is more of the anti-colonial kind of revolution, his example was seen by the PKP as the Proletarian hero to allow them to advocate their struggle of school equality through armed revolution. Corresponding to Jose Lava, ex - general secretary of the get together, the PKP will provide as the individuals' device of upholding their rights up against the exploitative tendencies of the bourgeoisie. With the movement, it will be far easier for the working category to make their sentiments known aside from the simple fact that they consist of the course with the best percentage in the society. It really is but proper to create a group that will promote the welfare of the school that sustains the other participants of the modern culture (Saulo, 1990).

During the 26th day of December 1968 however, a group of disgruntled young people of the PKP led by Jose Maria Sison re-established a Marxism-Leninism-Maoist leaning CPP in a little barrio somewhere in Pangasinan. Sison, who was simply then a scholar of the University of the Philippines, criticized the leadership of the Lava brothers whom he blamed when the Huks were defeated through the 1950s. He was expelled from the PKP then required the management of re-establishing the Communist Get together of the Philippines as well as 90 other cadres (Gutierrez, 2001).

On the other hand, some Red fighters and Commanders of the dwindling people's liberation military along the countryside of Central Luzon also loss assurance with just how their market leaders are acting. Because of greediness and problem, the army became inhumane and anti-people. Bernabe Bucayno (Commander Dante), together with his group of peasant guerrillas, then went to Manila to seek for the band of Sison who was simply then starting to strengthen the re-established CPP. Together with this group of young students and specialists, Commander Dante founded and became the Commander-in-chief of the brand new People's Military (NPA) which became the armed wing of the Communist Party. The decision of creating a new military group transpired from the necessity of an equipped push that will pursue the proletariat conflict in the Philippines (Cusi, 1996).

On Apr 24, 1973, the CPP-NPA founded its legal entry - the Country wide Democratic Front side (NDF). NDF is an alliance of 15 underground democratic mass organizations led by the CPP that seeks to income a "country wide democratic revolution" that will uphold the goal of achieving a socialist talk about. The establishment of the NDF, along with its 10 point program, is a manifestation of the CPP's formal declaration of warfare up against the Philippine government. Its associations with the several sectors of modern culture including the spiritual, instructors (ACT), farmers (KMP), students (LFS), and the labor sector (KMU) helped the CPP a whole lot on its goal of expanding its impact and power mostly through earning the "hearts and brains" of the masses (Ferrer & Raquiza, 1993; Cusi, 1996).

Meanwhile, Sison was capture by the military services in 1977 each year after Commander Dante was captured in 1976. However, the record of both leaders didn't encumber the continuous growth of the CPP-NPA. Its strength grew exponentially throughout the years and come to its peak in 1987 with 25, 200 participants and 15, 500 firearms (Adriatico, 2000). Until today's time, the get together is growing and handles to endure the many counterinsurgency programs executed by different administrations from Marcos until Arroyo.

In further examining the persistence of the CPP-NPA and the implications that it may bring to the Philippine population, it's important to outline different crises that lead to the restructuring of the original communist party as well as the effects of the faction teams that took place within the party. These factors being pointed out are essential in this research for they have contributed to the overall objectives and present composition of the motion as well. The internal crises are indeed significant to the continuing living of the insurgents for this helped the users of the movement learn from previous errors as well as in identifying their goal of accomplishing a protracted people's warfare.

The main problems that occurred and that caused great section among the members of the get together might be tracked back to its founding roots. In 1968, a record was released by the Congress of Re-establishment of the Communist Get together of the Philippines wherein the main errors and weaknesses of the Get together were enumerated. With this report entitled "Rectify Problems and Restore the Party", the four drawbacks of the Get together, namely: 1) ideological weaknesses; 2) political errors; 3) military services mistakes; and 4) organizational mistakes, were enumerated and discussed carefully how it damaged the insurgents' have difficulties.

Subjectivism on the previous leader's ideologies has caused a great trouble on the initial communist party's goals and objectives. Because the majority of the leaders and members came from affluent clans, they taken with them their key bourgeois ideas. The party's leaders relied on the subjectivist and opportunist idea of rivalling or cooperating with the bourgeois functions and communities in the city as a way of attaining socialism. The get together became "incorrectly city-based and city-oriented" they have neglected the brand new initiative and power of the peasants located along the countryside. Furthermore Sison, as cited by Dela Cruz, said that the inability of the initial party to create a particular strategy that will aid a "revolutionary and thoroughgoing proletarian world view" has lead to the party's paralyzation once the US Imperialists and jogging dogs arrived to the Philippine picture (Dela Cruz, 2006 ; CPP 1968).

Aside from subjectivism in ideology, politics errors that have been committed also influenced the insurgents' progression. Political errors, in this sense, make reference to the right opportunism and "kept" opportunism that the get together leaders have committed. Instead of seeking their aspiration to abolish variations in social strata, the party market leaders became opportunistic in the sense that they pressed for subordination of the working-class movement to their foes by surrendering to them totally through peaceful agreements and compromise. Furthermore, rejecting the idea of a socialist revolution and bringing up the concept of "class co-operation" was advocated by the market leaders. This lead to help expand discrepancies on what does indeed the communist get together really advocate. The Party suffered from political disasters because it maintained its "urban, parliamentary, and wide open figure" and didn't arouse and mobilize the peasants in the rural areas to organize with them as a main pressure for the revolution. Emanating from the subjectivist world perspective, the leaders of the party became used with the idea of being thought to be "Still left" opportunists by the bourgeoisie and didn't enact their illegal activities all together with the legal ones. Furthermore, the party market leaders became corrupt and greedy bringing on the loss of self-confidence of other customers and also the public as well (Weekley, 2001).

Another flaw that induced the downfall of the first communist party is military mistake. The party leaders didn't assimilate an armed have difficulty, agrarian revolution, and rural base-building in the countryside, which according to Maoist thought will be the three important and indispensable components in waging a people's conflict (Mercado, 1989; CPP, 1968). According to Adriatico (2000), the absence of an armed struggle alone has a big effect on their failing because hands, supposedly, will provide as their main weapon towards a democratic revolution. Their failure to founded one crippled the activity when US Imperialists and Japanese soldiers colonized the land.

One more lapse that the party has experienced is the weakness of its group. Matching to Sison, "the primary [organizational] impairment of the Communist Party of the Philippines has been its failure to develop an organization which has a broad mass character which is national in scale". This means that the party was not able to broaden thoroughly in number. They were not able to recruit members all around the archipelago that can have helped them in the designed revolutionary conflict. The party did not in a position to mobilize other categories belonging to the working school that could have added a substantial number with their force (CPP, 1968).

The four main problems and weaknesses that resulted in the re-establishment of the first communist get together in the Philippines have been quickly discussed above. These drawbacks have served as lessons to the members of the reformed communist party - the CPP-NPA. However, the CPP-NPA continues to be facing a great deal of crises within the restrictions of its sphere. Throughout the many years of their existence, there remain lots of complications that challenged their persistence as a party that will uphold the welfare of the working-class and peasants.

In an interview with Teacher Benjamin Mangubat, a History teacher of the University or college of the Philippines Manila, he said that the CPP-NPA-NDF insurgents have observed factions within the motion time during 1990s. Both main groups are the Re-affirmists and the Rejectionists. The Reaffirmists, from the term itself, affirm the essential rules of Maoism-Leninism-Marxism considered an armed struggle in order to obtain the main goal of any classless the contemporary society. The group asserts the need of coercive vitality to the strategy of your protracted people's war. .

On the other palm, the Rejectionists are the ones who forego the necessity for an armed struggle. They also reject Sison's view of the Philippine modern culture as a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. Furthermore, they also have retracted Mao's thesis of anti-revisionism as well as the thought of a people's democratic control. Because of this group, achieving a socialist-communism like this in the Soviet Union is extremely hard. They have given up on the thought of democratic revolution but instead centered themselves in bettering the elite democracy that the Philippine culture has been experiencing for days gone by and present regimes. Elite democracy, like this in the Philippines is not really a true democracy. It is a democracy in the most superficial level since it is the rule of hardly any powerful and affluent politics clans, more like aristocracy as such. Essentially, the Rejectionists goal is to change the power relationships prevailing in the society through "counter-hegemony" by the method of ideological status apparatuses. Included in these are educational conversations, basic mass integrations and organic intellectuals who stay static in rural areas to teach the masses regarding the current situation of Philippine society. Just like the Reaffirmists, the Rejectionists also want change in the Philippine world. But in regards to what that change is, and exactly how it might be obtained, there remains not only the question, but a split.

The number of interior crises that transpired within the old and new communist party has been concisely discussed above. These problems have indeed damaged the insurgents' firm as well as their dynamism as a group. The fragmentation of the activity into two factions with contrasting beliefs has taken out the ideological discrepancies and weaknesses among the list of members which in turn crippled the entire undertakings of the get together as well as the weakening of these political keep in the Philippines.

However, some noteworthy positive consequences arouse from the split. Dr. Nathan Gilbert Quimpo, previous head of NDF and a Rejectionist himself, enumerated several advantages of this split. In an interview conducted by Emere Distor of the web publication Kasama, Quimpo said that "the most positive outcome has been the emergence of a more pluralist Remaining and theres forget about hegemony on the part of the Communist Party of the Philippines-National Democratic Front-New Peoples Army (CPP-NDF-NPA). We've a Left which is currently more plural. " This pluralism acquired produced many other small teams that are relatively stronger and influential in certain sectors set alongside the monopolized Left by the CPP before. The communities Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (BMP) and the Alliance of Intensifying Labor (APL) of the labour sector for example, has contested the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU). Furthermore, the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), a peasant group aligned with the CPP, is also challenged by other bigger peasant organizations. With these circumstances of the various sectors of the working-class, the pluralized Left could respond in a strategically specific manner of upholding their privileges as marginalized industries thereby creating increased possibilities of being noticed by the government.

Aside from the pluralism of the Departed, the disintegration of the Communist Party became the key for them to rectify, look back and study from their previous problems in order to build a stronger get together that will cater to the goal of every member.

At this point, the different happenings that happened within the internal affairs of the CPP-NPA have been mentioned thoroughly by the researcher. The crises and struggles that added to the re-establishment of the communist party as well as the fragmentation and clash of ideologies along using its undesirable and favourable effects have been briefly explicated. Now, this paper will talk about the exterior factors that contributed to the persistence of the communist insurgents in the Philippines.

According to Dela Cruz (2006), there are three main factors that contributed to the persistence of the communist insurgents in the united states. These three are the political, economic and sociable factors directly or indirectly seen in the Philippine modern culture. From your CPP's perspective, these three factors have emerged as the primary cause of the popular exploitation of the working course. Jose Maria Sison's view of the Philippine world as "semi-colonial and semi-feudal" depicted his reason for leading the working class towards challenging that will gain the majority of men and women being exploited by the upper-middle course.

The politics factors, basically, make reference to the unequal circulation of electric power in the country. The existence of an abusive ruling class, who only comprise a very little ratio of the country's populace, has paved the way for severe oppression of the working school. These political factors composed of semi-colonialism, imperialism and bureaucrat capitalism. Semi-colonialism and imperialism identifies the indirect control of the United States to Philippine affairs. Though nominally announced as unbiased on the 4th of July 1946, the shadow of the united states imperialists have still continued to be within the constructions of the united states haunting every powerless Filipino. Even when these foreign entities do not can be found physically in the land, their electricity is implicitly thought by the employees and peasants through the original politicians, elites and the comprador big bourgeoisies (Rocamora, 1994). Bureaucrat capitalism on the other hand is the use of public office as an instrument of acquiring private possessions and land. The concept mirrors those traditional politicians who utilize their position for work at home opportunities to allow them to increase personal earnings and capital. Quite simply, it is a form of graft and problem in the sense that these politicians use public cash, which is supposedly for general population services, for his or her own self-interest setting aside the welfare of the poor people who are in need (Dela Cruz, 2006).

Aside from the politics factors mentioned above, another aspect that added to the continued persistence of the CPP-NPA are the economic factors which include semi-feudalism, sham land reforms, unemployment and foreign monopoly capitalism. The concept of semi-feudalism has been defined by Sison as "an financial term that identifies an current economic climate whose internal forces of creation are mainly and essentially agrarian and pre-industrial, and whose relations of production are dominated by the blend of the comprador big bourgeoisie in the metropolitan areas and the landlord category in the countryside" (Dela Cruz, 2006). This problem of the Philippine world has made the life of the Filipino public, specially the peasant personnel who till hectares of land in exchange of an extremely low wage, a miserable one. The landlords and business elites become richer as the peasant farmers stay poor without even experiencing a secured and secure life. In connection to this are sham land reforms which are pretentious changes of existing land laws. These land reforms are developed to deceive the farmers but in reality, these will just give more benefit to the landed elites once applied. Furthermore, the widespread unemployment and the inability of the government to provide basic public services are also a few of the factors that provoked the persistence of the insurgents. Furthermore, international monopoly capitalism, which refers to the "dominance of international monopolies in capitalist economies", used the Philippines as a source of cheap raw materials and as a free market where they can dump all surplus products at an extremely low price.

Another factor that needs to be considered in responding to the question why do the communist insurgents continue steadily to persist is the public factors. In such a aspect, the lifestyle of cultural inequality, injustice, poverty and deprivation in the contemporary society are being seen as a critical contributor to the lifestyle of revolutionary motions. Social injustice and inequality identifies the unequal distribution of resources and services, to delayed supervision of justice, and greed for electric power and wealth that business lead to violation of individual rights. Furthermore, it includes the inefficiency of the federal government bureaucracy to execute laws that will protect the surroundings and will focus on the needs of the marginalized and indigenous ethnic communities. Moreover, the lack of respect and acceptance to ancestral domains as well concerning indigenous ethnical and political systems are also included here (Cusi, 1996). In the society where remarkable changes and advancement of technology is highly observable and used, incredible exploitation of indigenous values and ethnic routines is highly probable to occur. Just like regarding the Philippines, the long-time connection with foreign colonial rule has been a big influence to your adherence to a Westernized type of culture leading us in patterning our own system of rules and beliefs to theirs. This in turn has triggered the downfall of your native tactics and the exploitation of indigenous people's privileges by the elites who are Filipinos themselves. Many rural places have been neglected by the countrywide and local governments. Many people have problems with deprivation of basic services such as education and health. With these reasons, many Filipinos residing in the countryside cannot surface themselves from the deepening root base of poverty for they don't have any alternative and choice.

With the number of factors being mentioned above, the emergence and continued life of the CPP-NPA insurgents will probably occur. How many other means is possible in order for the working category to be observed by this unjust modern culture? For the party, no alternative way works well enough but to form a revolutionary movements. The dream of the insurgents to achieve a classless population - where people are identical, where people receive value and dignity, where there is absolutely no overseas intervention, where people have the ability to achieve their highest possible esteem as a individual, where people are cured with reverence and exploitation is certainly from the picture - has encouraged them to keep the struggle that they have been preventing for the past decades. Regardless of the numerous crises that the get together has experienced, they have were able to continue their struggle for a democratic trend. With this, it is but essential to enumerate and make clear the strategies that the CPP-NPA has done throughout the years of the fight for a protracted people's battle.

The overall objective of the communist insurgency movement is to overthrow the semi-colonial and semi-feudal system prevailing in the country. Apparently, the principal means seen by the party towards obtaining such goal is via a democratic trend. Sison (1971), as cited by Saulo, adopted Mao Tse Tung's proven fact that a democratic trend will only achieve success through the engagement of three main organizations namely: 1. a celebration that provides the brain and overall leadership (CPP); 2. an army that will serve as the military services force during equipped encounters (NPA); and 3. a united leading that will expand political affect, support and that will mobilize the masses (NDF).

Weekley (2001) brought up the primary strategy of the CPP-NPA-NDF which is composed of two major categories: 1. general strategies pertaining to the protracted battle as a whole, and 2. particular or tactical strategies pertaining to individual counter promotions covering a specific platform area.

The protracted armed struggle is the principal method of the activity to offset the government force, specially the military that have the benefit of monopoly over firearm resources. That is done through conducting limited armed issues with the government troops in different localities, largely mountainous area chosen by the insurgents themselves to ensure triumph (Cusi. 1996; Kintanar, 1999).

According to Weekley (2001), the strategy of a protracted people's war involves 3 periods namely strategic defensive, strategic stalemate and tactical offensive. The original strategy in conducting the protracted battle starts off at the countryside wherein the NPA makes try to create as much rural bases as is possible. They try to encircle the rural areas, where almost all the peasant farmers and employees reside, in order that they can recruit more participants that will fortify their force. This plan stemmed from the theory that individuals in distant areas are more vulnerable to radical thoughts and cutting edge ideas since most people residing in there are poor and exploited because they can scarcely feel the presence of federal government programs (Hoeksema, 1990).

The strategic defensive stage is the critical part of "party building, army building, basic building and united entrance organizing". In this level, the NPA initiates unpleasant steps by provoking the armed service troops for an armed encounter for the purpose of accumulating firearms and also to show the population that they have the ability of participating in a war, to improve self-confidence and build-up support perhaps. Also one of them stage is the strategy of performing militant mass activities in urban centers all together with the initiation of greater range tactical offensiveness launched in the countryside (Cusi, 1996; Weekley, 2001). The proper defensive stage quite simply aims to destabilize the armed forces forces so that the insurgents could easily permeate and mobilize the people.

On the other hands, the proper stalemate stage is reached when the NPA forces reach parity with this of the armed service group. The NPA introduction offensive operations by means of ambush, episodes on AFP installations or captures of town halls. At this point, the NPA is designed to complement the manpower of the AFP since their attention is subdivided into different disorders occurring from coast to coast (Cusi, 1996; Saulo, 1990). Finally, in the strategic offensive stage, the NPA carry out simultaneous military services offensive techniques combined with general strikes, significant demonstrations, and sabotage activities in major places while the AFP is on the defensive side trying to safeguard the towns, cities and major military services installations.

Aside from the overall strategy of doing a protracted people's conflict, a different one include those particular or tactical strategies regarding individual counter promotions covering a particular foundation area. The associates that are assigned to different areas bring the responsibility of enticing the visitors to join the activity. In this system, cadres (mostly college graduates) inform people about the prevailing system as well as the cultural injustices and inequality that are developing in the country (Cusi, 1996).

At this point, the researcher has recently presented the several strategies that the CPP-NPA did to attain their main purpose of a socialist modern culture. The CPP-NPA's aspect has been extensively discussed in the above mentioned sections. That they manage to persist and continue their have difficulty up until today's time has always depended on the sort of contemporary society that the Philippines adjust. Looking at the other aspect, the government on the other palm did not stay as mere passive observers of the insurgents' lifestyle. Making use of the AFP as the primary machinery, the government has been hoping its better to combat the party through the carry out of counter-insurgency (COIN) steps (Ferrer & Raquiza, 1993).

The dictatorial routine of Ferdinand Marcos is the first administration to start counter-insurgency programs through security and development. Security, in this sense, identifies the efforts of the armed service to kill the insurgents through clearing, mopping-up, and ranger-type operations. Because Marcos considered the insurgents as a threat to his regime, he used the flat iron hand strategy in destroying the insurgents' growing causes. Development, on the other side, refers to the measures implemented by Marcos which mainly addressed the main causes of insurgency. He strengthened the economic and socio-political structure of the culture through programs that catered to development. The Republic Work 1700 or often called the Anti-Subversion Rules was carried out. Through this laws, all communists, even those who are just suspected by the armed forces, were put into jail. The Oplan Katatagan was another program carried out by Marcos that addressed belligerency mainly through getting the support of the people resistant to the insurgents. However, this program failed because of military abuses thus paving the way for insurgency to increase thoroughly (Rocamora, 1994).

After the martial guideline of Marcos, the new set of AFP under the Aquino administration assessed the previous regime's strategy of combating insurgency. Hence, the Oplan Mamamayan counter-insurgency program was carried out. Under the said program, civilian volunteer organizations, territorial makes comprising the PNP and paramilitary forces, and the mobile makes of the AFP were put together to form the "Three-Tiered Defense System" from the CPP-NPA (Cusi, 1996). Matching to Adriatico (2000), the joined makes of the three would have been effective if not again for the abuses of the AFP. As well as the Oplan Mamamayan, the Country wide Ceasefire Committee (NCC) was set up and many ceasefire agreements between the insurgents and government have been attempted to enact but evidently failed due to the instability of the AFP during those times (Ferrer & Raquiza, 1993).

The Ramos supervision proceeded to go one step further in achieving peace and stability in the countryside. He debunked Marcos' Anti-Subversion Laws and released amnesty proclamations to the alleged rebels imprisoned during Marcos' routine. The National Unification Percentage (NUC) was made whose task is to investigate all concerned industries and then recommend probable peace discussions to the Office of the Leader (Ferrer & Raquiza, 1993). However, Ramos had not been able to damage the makes of the CPP-NPA due to a variety of reasons.

The failing of the different regimes to handle the issues of insurgency has added to the strength of the CPP-NPA. The insurgency prolonged to prevail across the remote areas adding more desperation to the AFP. On this light, the AFP arrived to the idea of spreading black propaganda techniques resistant to the party. But still, the CPP-NPA could counter those techniques and is still managing to keep their have difficulties for a socialist culture (Dela Cruz, 2006).

More than only a threat to national security, the emergence and extended persistence of the said organization may lead to other issues that may become more difficult to address if the government will not initiate genuine reforms.

The persistence of the CPP-NPA in the country has generated divergence of thoughts and opinions on the list of Filipino people. Apparently, many people regarded as these insurgents as one of the main threats to national security and as one of the most notorious actions in the united states. On the whole, communist insurgency will be a depiction of dissatisfaction against a problematic contemporary society as that of the Philippines.

In this newspaper, the re-establishment of the CPP-NPA-NDF from the initial PKP has been provided. Several factors have been enumerated- inside and external-that added to the endurance of the party. Their protracted struggle for a classless contemporary society, along with their strategies in obtaining such a goal, has been completely discussed, along with counter-insurgency programs plotted against the business. Still, efforts to combat the business proven futile.

Only one conclusion could be determined-that Communist insurgency would continually be present unless the federal government will put into practice genuine reforms to beat the semi-colonial and semi-feudal point out of this contemporary society. So long as severe dissatisfaction is rampant, innovative movements and insurgency will usually enter into play.

The problem, therefore, remains for the government leaders. They need to at least start correcting the main roots of insurgency stated in this newspaper. The federal government should be truly sincere in minimizing such factors to avoid the emergence of other dissidents. The federal government should understand and recognize that revolutionary movements are present not due to aspire to create disruptions but because something is incorrect with the contemporary society. Counter-insurgency, primarily through the military services troops of the federal government, is not enough to handle such problems. Relating to Victor Corpus, (as cited by Cusi, 1996)

Eradicating insurgency is similar to eliminating cogon grass in one's cropland. Slicing the lawn or burning it could clear the field for a while, but with the first drop of rainwater the weeds will be back again, vigorously choking the crop. The simplest way to get rid of the cogon is to seek out the roots, although this will entail much back-breaking work (p. 157).

As such, the federal government shouldn't only be useful and honest to only to eliminate what they consider to be always a political nuisance. Somewhat, the lifestyle of such an organization reveals the stark simple fact that society in itself is difficult. And with the strength of the CPP-NPA, the task to create an improved population still remains.

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