In the pro-democracy Lady, feminism is often seen as a significant element in modernity. The entire year at which General Suffrage was obtained is a badge of honor for several countries. Indeed, even in the United States, African Americans, a competition that once was subjugated and enslaved, gained the to vote years before women were offered the vote. On top of that, feminism is still on the industry leading of modernity in the US. Full equality for females has yet to be performed, and gender jobs stubbornly still exist despite years of legal equality. As feminist actions in the West have become essential for full democratization, it seems sensible to work with the position of feminist actions in the Islamic world as a gauge of democratization and the building of the civil modern culture that is supportive of democracy.
To do that, we will be looking at the most influential of most Islamic feminist activities: the women's privileges movement in Iran. This provides an interesting case study not only because Iran is a mostly Islamic land, but also because women in Iran experienced significant rights which were lost following a 1979 Islamic revolution. Their have difficulty is therefore challenging for the repair of lost rights, which we will have gives the activity a significant advantage. Islam is all-pervasive in Iranian contemporary society. The one modern theocracy, the government is finally led by religious leadership. Therefore, any type of Islamic feminism must work within the limits of the system, but prior to the 1979 revolution, women used a number of secular solutions to obtain equality. Modern women's actions in Iran are present as a fusion of the secular and Islamic actions, that allows us to investigate how the process of secularization interacts with Islamic ideas and techniques.
The religion of Islam is often criticized in the American mass media to be repressive towards women. In European countries, the European feminism movement appears to be violently clashing with Islam, arriving to a mind in countries such as France with laws which make it against the law to wear a traditional Islamic mind covering, even if the using is voluntary. Overall, the ideals of feminism, which support full equality for ladies, not only of rights but also of job opportunities, wages, and social vitality, are commonly drawn as being incompatible with the prices of Islam. Islam, exactly like almost every other Abrahamic faith, is primarily patriarchal, and helps a patriarchal worldview. Due to the large spotlight being shone on fundamentalist Islamic activities by the Western media, without any actual research it is simple to suppose that Islam pushes a hard-line patriarchal anti-feminist agenda. Causeing this to be assumption, however, is naive: it assumes that Islam is accessible simply in the Qur'an. In the same way modern Catholics do not follow the strict guidelines located on interactions with ladies in the Publication of Leviticus, modern Muslims need not follow the tight restrictions placed to them by the Qur'an. As with everything, Islam must be taken in framework. .
Thus it is not surprising a substantial sector of women's activism in Iran utilizes not secular debates on women's protection under the law but female-centred interpretations of Islam and of the political idea of "Islamic justice". Through this strategy, women not only derail the claim that feminism and issues of legal collateral are Western paradigms which try to undermine the authenticity of Iranian contemporary society, nevertheless they also break the man monopoly on interpreting Islamic texts Iranian women activists have chosen to progress feminist Islamic theology and feminist Islamic jurisprudence, as it is these historically male-dominated organizations and their male-centered understanding of Islam, rather than science by itself, that maintain women hostage. (Hoodfar, 1)
The unmodified expression feminism, therefore, is probably an inaccurate word to utilize when describing the ideals pursued by women's activists in Iran and other Muslim countries. As when discussing the transition of many general ideas that have a strong keep in the western world into the Islamic world, we should forge a new phrase to be able to split up feminist moves in Islamic countries off their Western sister actions. Therefore, Islamic feminism seems to be the best way to describe this unique brand of feminism.
It may also be helpful here to truly have a brief talk of the conditions that the term Islamic gives to Islamic feminism. Despite its sexist aspects, when taken in framework the Qur'an provides massive advancements in women's privileges. Marriage is discussed under Islamic rules as a contract rather than a position. German Iranologist Annemarie Schimmel explained by proclaiming that "set alongside the pre-Islamic position of women, Islamic legislation recommended an enormous progress; the woman acquired the rightto administer the riches she brought in to the family. " (Schimmel, 65) In Arabia in enough time of Muhammad, women had no to own property, and were themselves considered property, sometimes being buried alive using their deceased husbands. Thus, Islamic laws and regulations seen as sexist, such as women only acquiring 50 percent the inheritance show given to men, are in reality vastly supportive of women's protection under the law when taken in comparison with the tribal regulations of your day. It really is this simple fact; that Islam provided additional privileges alternatively than restricting them, that is commonly used as a disagreement for Islamic feminism. As with modern Christianity, modern Islamic women claim that the verses of the Qur'an dealing with women should be read because of their spirit somewhat than because of their word. Other constraints, like the requirement that women gain the consent of the husbands before giving their homes, and they may well not travel by themselves on journeys that take longer than three days and nights, are ultimately derived from fears for security of ladies in tribal Arabia.
It must also be clarified that woman's suffrage is not forbidden by the Qur'an, and ladies in many bulk Muslim countries gained the to vote around the same time that the activity was growing in american nations. In fact, Azerbaijani women gained the right to vote 2 yrs before American women. A great many other Muslim countries used, and in the present day Muslim world only Saudi Arabia denies women the rights to vote.
Up until the 1979 Islamic revolution, women made great strides in Iran by using secular methods. In 1932, the Congress of Women of the East occurred in Iran, and it led to a groundbreaking exchange of ideas and thoughts between women activists from Iran, Lebanon, Egypt, India, and Iraq. This resulted in significant increases in activism in Iran, and finally, in 1936, the Shah (who was simply notorious for his dislike and annoying romantic relationship with Islam), pressured the required unveiling of women. This was consistent with a series of other reforms the Shah executed that attemptedto force the Westernization of Iran, including forcing men to wear European clothing and the banning of the veil and other traditional Islamic headgear. Despite the (seeming) liberation brought on by these actions, the ultimate effects of the new laws and regulations were rarely supportive of women's privileges. Indeed, many lower middle class women considered traditional Islamic dress as the one appropriate clothing, and as a result many women began staying home somewhat than abandoning their religious beliefs about modesty and dress. Unable to engage in activity outside of the home, including going to general public baths or participating in economic activity beyond the home, a chance of an early on Islamic feminist revolution coming from the lower classes or appearing consequently of increased female economic involvement, as it did in the US and other Western countries, were taken out. Women instead became even more reliant on men for public duties that they historically possessed completed themselves. Bath homes, which were typically a location of exchange of not simply media and gossip but also of intellectual ideas, acquired provided a website for women to go over the liberation of ladies in other nations away from the gaze of their more traditional and patriarchal husbands. With these forums eliminated for many traditional Islamic women, the probability of an Islamic feminist movements starting in Iran were significantly reduced. The Shah, wanting to deal a blow to his clerical opposition as well as perhaps to liberate women to some extent, instead unwittingly inhibited this liberation from happening.
It was Islam that commenced to reverse this craze of oppression. Islam has always backed and motivated education, and by spotting this, women could actually make their first significant profits in equality. In 1935, women were first admitted to Tehran University, and by 1944 Iran acquired compulsory education for females. Alongside this, in the post-war period, women started out making the discussion that observing the hijab and acquiring an education weren't mutually exclusive, which modernity and religion could coexist. However, the ban on the veil continued to be, and many women were therefore averted from employment in public areas and modern monetary areas. The banning of the veil, an effort by the Shah to discourage oppression of women by Islam, actually performed women back. Islam here was on the side of women's rights and modernity; a tendency that, we will have, is actually quite common in the Iranian women's protection under the law movement.
These profits in protection under the law, however, did not grant women in Iran immediate legal equality. Indeed, legitimately women made no advancements until 1963, when they gained the to vote. Here, Islam was put as a firm block in the form of democratization. Universal suffrage was shown three times between 1944 and 1952, and each time the Islamic clergy successfully defeated the strategy. They used Islam, and traditional Islamic ethics and values, in order never to only defeat the woman's suffrage motion but also improve the overall oppression of women in basic. In 1948, five high-ranking clerics granted a fatwa forbidding presented women to shop in markets. The 1953 American-led coup, which changed the democratic socialist-leaning administration with the come back of monarchy and the Shah, forced many religious and political groups underground. In addition, it brought Traditional western ideals of modernity to Iran.
The Shah, having been restored to power by America and the western, was quick to come back the favour. American buyers and complex experts flocked to Iran. Modernization and Westernization soon used. In 1963, the Shah created a reform program called the White Revolution. This name was chosen specifically to represent the American ideals the reforms embodied, distinct from Communism (symbolized by the color red) and this of the Islamic clergy (from the color african american. ) Between the major reforms of the White Revolution was the expansion of voting protection under the law to women. However, the biggest impact on women's protection under the law in Iran in this era emerged not from the legal reforms, but from the monetary changes that took place in the united states. Increasing opportunities for ladies, including education and work, began to have a significant impact. As in the west, the feminist movement gained support from the increasing numbers of economically active women.
The protection under the law of ladies in this time around period were greatly expanded. Family laws were rewritten to permit women to get divorces. Men now needed to seek the permission with their first wife in order to take on a second marriage. As polygamy was not merely allowed but also positively applied in Islamic circles at the time, there is a great outcry against these increasing rights for ladies. Ayatollah Khomeni called these family protection regulations "anti-Islamic. " He said that those who recognized the laws were "condemned by Islam; women who utilize those laws and divorce are not legitimately divorced and if indeed they remarry, they are really adulterous. " (Sedghi, 128) The Shah disagreed, arguing that these reforms supported the traditional Islamic values of justice and equality.
As economic problems led to increased protests in Iran, the Shah began to use harsher and harsher methods; eventually the country rebelled. The Shah, frantically clinging from what little power he had left, tried to vilify the protestors, declaring that the demonstrators were incited by agitators and communists. The folks sought to verify their true nationality and used religious symbols, like the veil. Many middle income women, who normally didn't wear the veil, commenced wearing the traditional dark-colored chador in protests to symbolize their solidarity with the other person and Iran. The demonstrations did not have a gender-specific purpose, as "the Shah's plan had been inextricably associated with women's rights. Therefore, raising gender issues seemed to contradict the very goal of the anti-Shah movements. " (Hoodfar, 15) Activists warned that an Islamic republic could undermine the women's privileges so bitterly fought for over the last half century. Despite this, the Islamic routine claimed that it could regain "dignity and real social worth" to women. Ayatollah Khomeni stated that Islam had not been towards women's independence. Within weeks and with a substantial amount of support from middle and working course women, the Shah got abdicated the throne, and the first modern Islamic trend had successfully taken place.
Despite these assurances, however, Khomeni was quick to establish that the new regime rejected European modernity and within a fortnight of coming to power, taken out the laws presenting women semi-equal rights in relationship. Within another two weeks, he restricted women from being judges. Three times after this, he declared that Muslim women must wear the hijab while at the job. Beaches and activities occurrences were segregated by gender. One of the most egregious and repressive laws and regulations were new age groups of consent. Women could now be legally married at get older 9, and men could now marry at get older 14. Within only 8 weeks of the trend that they had supported and pressed for, women had lost the majority of the rights that they had gained over the last fifty percent century. Women were not blind to this and quickly began protesting. These protests soon transformed violent as sets of Islamic fundamentalists, comprising largely men, attacked the protesters. The newly-formed Revolutionary Guard did nothing at all to prevent the bloodshed, and the protests were quickly stifled. By 1981, all ladies in Iran were necessary to wear the hijab in public areas, and the Islamic theocracy started out shutting down work area daycare facilities in an attempt to force women to return with their homes and force them out of the work environment. From 1981 to 1999, women's career in the general public sector lowered by 2% per season. In the name of Islam and Islamic ethics, the theocracy required women to return with their traditional jobs: housewives and stay-at-home mothers. Women does, however, maintain some rights, and despite Komeini's disagreement with female involvement in the political system, he didn't question those rights. Women were important members of the parliament before the trend, and even following the revolution women placed their seats, keeping a continual feminine existence in parliament from 1979, with participation spiking in the last decade roughly.
Overall, however, women have been politically defeated by hard-line religious leaders. It was at this time that women came to the realization that if indeed they were to beat a theocracy, they needed to use religious beliefs as a tool. Soon after the revolution, a number of Islamic feminist activities began. Probably the most influential of the was the Women's Population of the Islamic Trend (WSIR). Made up of many highly informed women, this and other Islamic feminist groups wanted to encourage women's protection under the law by criticizing modern and historic treatment of women by Islamic societies. They argued that it was patriarchy, not Islam, which oppressed women. They pointed to early Islamic scholars' decrees that girls were not required to maintain traditional gender functions. They began to obtain significant success in mobilizing women across Iran and expected the new theocracy to welcome them as effective participants in the new federal government. However, their open criticisms of the new oppressive laws and the repeal of lawful restrictions which wanted to provide equal family protection under the law quickly gained the disfavor of the theocracy, and the government seemed the other way as religious paramilitary teams, mainly Hezbollah, began attacking meetings of the WSIR and other Islamic feminist movements. The theocracy also managed to gain control of radical Islamic feminist mags, eventually shutting them down or effectively neutralizing the threat they posed to the Islamic plan.
The Islamic feminists were not defeated, however, and in the 1990s began to find other means to motivate their agendas that would not appeal to the ire of the hardline spiritual leadership. They transformed their magazines, eliminating the editorialized aspects and instead concentrating on the facts of reports, which nevertheless discovered increasing levels of inequality and subjugation of women. For example, the journal Khanevadeh, which translates to Family, focuses on experiences of legal problems related to marriage, custody, and domestic assault. Because it expenses itself as a family magazine, it offers extensive readership across men and women, despite focusing on the factual retelling of tales that are predominantly supportive of feminism.
Other Islamic feminist activists sustained to concentrate on the Islamic facet of Islamic feminism. Through the use of new interpretations of Islam, these activists were able to bring the information of feminism in to the homes of even extremely traditional women. Islamic Feminists have been interestingly effective at creating Islamic versions of many marital rights that exist by other methods in the Western world. Through the use of Islam as an instrument and by immediately quoting scripture that forbids exploitation and requirements that individuals gain the fruits of these labor, Islamic Feminists were able to pass a legislation in 1992 that requirements that a man divorcing his wife pay her wages for past housework. As with alimony laws in the United States and elsewhere, the man can petition to not have to pay these income if he can prove wrongdoing on the part of the woman. The hardline spiritual leaders were adamantly against these laws and regulations, but they were not able to demonstrate that they were fundamentally not in line with Islam. By taking advantage of Islam's moral foundations; justice and equality, Islamic feminists could actually ensure that their reforms could not be overruled by the hardline spiritual leadership.
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Secular feminist makes did not fade away, even following the installation of a strong theocracy as the governing body in Iran. Indeed, the use of Islam as a tool of repression by their state angered these activists even more. They refused to accept "Islamic justice", as it always preferred men over women and it required women into a gender role that was undesirable to these women, many of whom were well-educated and with the capacity of outthinking the majority of men in the united states. Being told that their only lot in life was to improve children and be faithful wives was repulsive to these organizations, and activism within secular communities in Iran more than doubled. Islam once again became an enabler of the progression of civil contemporary society and modernity, although for these secular teams it was opposition to the original "ethics" of Islam that was uniting, rather than the solidarity Islamic feminists found in the ethical key of Islam. It was clear to secular feminist groups that gathering signatures and petitioning influential leaders, a technique that had worked well well with the secular government of Iran before the 1979 revolution, was not going to be effective with the new plan. Instead, they decided to go directly to individuals. By not interacting with the religious government, the secular feminist movements was able to stay alive in an extremely anti-secular environment.
The movement used the media, from print magazines to radio and tv set to show types of the injustices which have been endured by ladies in order to create an Islamic modern culture as envisioned by hardline faith based patriarchs In her article about Iranian women's actions, Homa Hoodfar talks about a few examples of this. One example provided revolves around many experiences shared in the 1980s of impoverished young women who had been given in short-term relationships and became pregnant. Following the expiration of the marriages, they searched for the fathers of the kids in vain, who disappeared and never delivered. The newspapers asked "How do the religious and our legal system leave the fate of ladies in the hands of men who are naturally bad and fair Muslims?" By not professing that Islam itself was the problem, but instead that the issue lied within the use of Islamic laws and regulations to men who weren't behaving as proper Muslims, they were able to change the dialog. Now women across Iran started out questioning the legal codification of Islamic legislations. Changes began to occur rapidly as these tales, alongside numerous others, gained sympathy not only from the individuals of Iran but from the religious leadership itself. Tales about the plight of divorcees, whose husbands would divorce them for young women and leave them with little or nothing, undoubtedly contributed to the common support of the salary for housework regulations.
These two actions worked together in a number of ways. The Islamic feminist movements motivated women to question typical interpretations of Islam, which provided climb to new feminist interpretations which provided for gender equality within the context of Islam. Along with of this, the secular feminist activity asked Iranian women to question the transfer of Islamic regulation into civil society, directing out that many of the men who benefitted from these regulations weren't true Muslims, and for that reason shouldn't have advantages afforded them in the Qur'an.
The activity made significant gains. Ayatollah Khomeni unveiled a fresh family legislation after years of refusing to make progress on the issue. While still extremely sexist in comparison to the family laws that existed in pre-revolutionary Iran, regulations was at the time one of the very most advanced marriage laws and regulations in the Middle East. Islamic feminists could actually use traditional areas of Islam in order to force positive reforms in the new family regulation. The new rules codified the Islamic view that relationship is a deal. This was changed by the theocracy into a standard physical contract, which gave much more power to the bride-to-be and her family. Under the new legislations, the groom had to negotiate to remove clauses he disagreed with, which allowed the bride and her family additional leverage to demand additional conditions of their own. Additionally, the law looks for to resolve issues with the early age at which a lot of women were married by providing protection for girls too young to effectively discuss their marriage contract.
Another major concern which was settled by Islamic feminists was the custody of martyrs' children. Under traditional Islamic rules, this custody is directed at the nearest male relative of the child, ostensibly to safeguard the kid from poverty. However, in groundbreaking Iran, their state provided out cash payments to the kids of martyrs, and with widows of martyrs shedding custody of these children, they also lost all their rights to prospects payments by their state. The children would be well-taken care of, but if the male relative who inherited the kid did not wish to support the widow as well, women tended to finish up in extreme poverty. After many years of challenges of this legislations by Islamic feminists, Khomeini released a decree that awarded martyrs' widows custody with their children, even after remarriage. While this admittedly influenced few women, it displayed a larger change. It overruled Qur'anic guardianship laws, which had for a long time been accepted as unbreakable. Because Ayatollah Khomeini liked an unchallengeable power over the interpretation of Islam, this action opened the entranceway to get more detailed changes in laws, specifically regarding divorce laws and regulations, that violated traditional Islamic laws. Khomeini confirmed that reinterpretations of the Qur'an to favour women were possible without deviating from strong Islamic dogma.
The two feminist movements did not always see eyes to eyesight, and commonly disagree, despite having virtually identical end goals. A good example of disagreement on means while agreeing on the overall solution comes from the attempts of feminists in Iran to permit women to become judges. The patriarchy had always been opposed to this, and cited Islam and Muslim laws as justifications for not responding to women's desires in these areas. "At one end of the spectrum the secularists claim that this situation is glaring indication that "Islam" and Muslim laws are discriminatory towards women. At the other end the Islamists claim that this is the result of centuries of misreading and of patriarchal interpretation of the nature of Islam. " (Hoodfar, 24) However, this disagreement didn't lead to the impass, and even may have provided two individual pressure tips on the theocracy, which eventually allowed women to serve as counsel to male judges in family courts. Feminists weren't appeased, and continued to push for full equality. Finally, in 1997, women were given the right to become judges. However, full equality still doesn't exist, and women do not have the energy to issue last judgments. These rights, however, were essential victories for the Islamic feminist movement. Now that women could provide as Islamic judges, they had an chance to create real equality in real situations.
The Islamic feminist motion, alongside the secular feminist movements, obtained real brings about Iran. When it is considered that Iran remains a comparatively regressive nation, with limitations on freedom of conversation and with a management in overall control, the fact that feminism, an import from the West which is so incredibly despised by the management of Iran, was able to not only take keep but flourish and create tangible change is quite impressive. The actual fact that Islam dually dished up as the theocracy's tool of oppression and the feminists' tool of liberation is also enlightening
Iran, however, is not the only real location of Islamic feminism. Indeed, feminism has been distributing rapidly to all edges of the Islamic world. In some areas like Iran, it has emerged little by little and forcefully, fighting against deeply entrenched gender functions and a patriarchy that won't give floor. However, Iran got significant advantages. It possessed a modern economy. There have been high levels of educated women anticipated to compulsory education laws and regulations, even while gender inequality continued to be forcefully in effect in many areas of contemporary society. Islamic feminism has made fantastic innovations in Iran, but it is likely due to Iran's already modern corporations. In regressive countries, Islamic feminism might not be capable of the great gains it could make in Iran. To verify or disprove this notion, that the corporations of today's civil population and modernity itself is a crucial aspect for increasing equality for females, we take a trip across the boundary to Iran's awful stepsister, pre-invasion Afghanistan.
Afghanistan and Iran share a couple of things in keeping. They both benefitted from removing an oppressive autocracy by an Islamic revolution. While Iran's trend was about eliminating foreign affect from the country, Afghanistan's was about physically removing overseas invaders from her earth. Following the successful beat of the Soviet Union by Afghanistan martyrs funded and supplied by America, Egypt, and Israel, desires were high for true equality for girls. As regarding 1979 Iran, in 1989 Kabul was filled with optimism and uncertainty for the future. Creator Valentine M Moghadam recounts interacting with a woman at a government-sponsored rally in the Afghanistan capital as the previous Soviet troops were leaving the united states enthusiastically saying to her "This revolution was made for women!" (Moghadam) First, this viewpoint appeared to be completely accurate. The author continues on to recount women working in many different professions in early 1989; as technicians, radio and tv announcers, in a printing press, in the police force, as teachers. There was no gender segregation and women loved equality in numerous areas of modern culture.
Afghanistan was never able to form a cohesive secular state in the wake of the trend, however, and finally Islamic radicals had taken control of the country. In 1990, the leadership released a fatwa saying that ladies couldn't wear perfume or Western clothes. They need to cover their body at all times, they could not walk in the center of the street or swing action their hips. Women were no longer allowed to talk, giggle, or joke with strangers or foreigners. Within three years of the drawback of Soviet soldiers, the liberal federal installed after their departure experienced fallen, and with it a chance of equality for girls. Shortly after, Afghanistan became the patchwork of warring warlords and tribes that it's today, but there was one thing these men decided on: women's protection under the law weren't something which were to be motivated. Eventually, the Taliban took control of the united states, and their unique mixture of radical Islam made any chances of even fleeting rights for girls completely out of the question. The Taliban kicked women and young girls out of classes, and managed to get impossible for females to work outside of their homes except in hospitals and clinics. Additionally, the government achieved it against the law for men to take care of women in hospitals, and since there were very few feminine health workers, majority of the women proceeded to go completely without medical assistance. In October of 1996, only 1 female doctor was running a practice in Kabul, and most of her patients were not able to pay her.
Afghanistan is principally rural, and the organizations of modernity that Iranian Islamic feminism relied upon didn't exist in Afghanistan. Unlike Iran, Afghanistan did not benefit from many years of compulsory education for women. When the Taliban instituted reforms that mirrored the consequences of forced unveiling laws in Iran, such as barring women from public baths, they have so in a city where very few homes had jogging water, and the ones that performed lacked proper sanitation.
Afghanistan presents as a fascinating evaluation to Iran therefore. While post groundbreaking Iran started as a spiritual regime that functioned to eliminate rights for females, post groundbreaking Afghanistan started as a secular routine that attemptedto expand rights for females. However, modern Iranian women experience much greater degrees of equality and many more protection under the law than women living in Afghanistan before the US invasion in 2001. You can find multiple potential reasons for this, and an Islamic authorities takeover is one of these. However, a primary comparison is important for analyzing the effects of strong societies on democracy.
In 1999, there was absolutely no movements within Afghanistan in terms of Islamic feminism. This comes from a number of factors. The primary reason for this is an entire insufficient education. Not only were women uneducated, but even most men's educations were lacking. Without education, women didn't have the various tools they needed to forge a successful Islamic feminist movements. Alongside that, Afghanistan didn't have a strong industrial basic. It did not experience the urbanization that Iran did, and so did not go through the secular feminist motion that arose from that. Finally, Afghanistan didn't have the steady authorities that Iran acquired, which prevented women from creating a focus on to petition for grievences.
Feminism is a critical motion in the West, and it has made efforts to acquire true gender equality. However, Western Feminism can't be directly brought in into Islamic nations, as it provides too much baggage from its Traditional western roots. Instead, Islamic feminism provides the most direct path to encouraging gender equality in these countries. However, Islamic feminism will not come overnight, nor will it come immediately. Only in nations with well-established societies, like the capacity to petition the government for grievances, a strong education system, and ways to exhibit ideas. Finally, in Iran, where women have made great strides since their huge deficits of rights following the 1979 revolution, urbanization provided an impetus for secular feminism motions that worked with the Islamic feminism activities to bring real change to the united states. This contrasts with countries such as Afghanistan, whose insufficient established contemporary society and agricultural economies prevent both secular and Islamic feminism activities from appearing.
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Esfandiari, Haleh (2004). The Role of Women Associates of Parliament, 1963-88 in Women in Iran from 1800 to the Islamic Republic By Lois Beck and Guity Nashat. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0252071898.
Women and politics in Iran: veiling, unveiling, and reveiling By Hamideh Sedghi
The Women's Motion in Iran: Women at the Crossroads of Secularization and Islamization - Homa Hoodfar
Schimmel (1992) p. 65
BETWEEN SECULAR AND ISLAMIC FEMINISM/S Reflections on the center East and beyond Margot Badran
Revolution, religion, and gender politics: Iran and Afghanistan likened Valentine M Moghadam. Journal of Women's Record. Baltimore: Winter 1999. Vol. 10, Iss. 4; pg. 172, 24 pgs Journal of Women's history
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