Typological characteristics of political culture - Political journalism

Typological characteristics of political culture

First of all, the phenomenon of the functioning of political culture is connected, first of all, with the fact that individuals making up social classes and society as a whole are unique: each with his own inclinations, attachments, a special mentality, physical strengths and creative talents, with their own desires, not always logical actions; people are able to discover the truth and confuse black with white, have strong convictions and yield to suggestion; in the long run, they are far from always capable of actions and judgments that are adequate to their interests, but their needs can practically always express clearly. Therefore, the objective sense of the existence of the sphere of political culture is to develop and consolidate the norms, rules, customs and traditions of each member of society expressing his political views in accordance with his social, cultural interests, needs and personal beliefs.

Social interests and needs in the field of political culture are revealed, firstly, as assessments made by individual citizens or their various kinds of communities to the actions and positions of subjects of political relations; secondly, as discussions, discussions - interpersonal, through the channels of mass communication - among representatives of different political trends, their leaders, theorists, as well as ordinary citizens, who are actively involved in public analysis of current political issues; thirdly, as the procedures for the expression of will by the subjects of political relations, corresponding to the norm adopted, through which the socio-class needs of the subjects are expressed, their personal convictions.

The evaluation aspect is extremely important, it not only rightfully occupies a leading position (especially in the publicistic approach to the phenomenon of political culture), but also in some sense rises above

other manifestations of social interests and needs in political culture, permeates them, because from the evaluation of what is happening in political life, from attempts to tie the seen and to measure it with the traditions obtained as a cultural heritage, the personal development of the individual "letters and spirits" begins; political culture. However, the process can be looked at in another way, as they did in the book "Culture of a citizen" G. Almond and S. Verba, unfolding political culture in the form of sin levels:

1) cognitive orientation, covering knowledge about the political system, its roles, the carriers of these roles and its functioning;

2) emotional orientation, reflecting feelings experienced in relation to the political system, its functions, participants and their activities;

3) evaluation orientation, expressing a personal attitude to the political system, its participants and their actions.

Almost all political scientists agree that the political system is a fundamental component of the content of political culture. It is the political system that becomes not just a factor that imposes an indelible imprint on the image of a functioning political culture, but a core on which manifestations of socio-class, ideological, ideological and sociocultural components of political culture are strung.

The political system in the field of political culture is not directly present, but is displayed through the prism of social and individual reflection (rational and sensual) and appears in it in the form of a systematized or chaotic set of knowledge about the features of the system, rules and procedures for its use, boundaries, or framework beyond which sanctions are possible. Indicator of the progressive development of political culture is the real right of the individual to express his interests, needs, convictions, views, feelings based on knowledge and skills to use all the features of a functioning political system. In its way, this is the possession of the generally accepted rules of the game, which is not recommended to violate, because it is fraught with sanctions and leads to difficult consequences predicted for all. In this regard, the daily stable functioning of political culture is possible if a mechanism of self-regulation is used that allows the right and sovereignty of an individual person, a separate subject of political relations, not to put higher, in order to suppress, the rights and sovereignty of another person or another entity. Pluralism is the mechanism of self-regulation of political culture. None of the individuals will not allow the rights and sovereignty of their own personality to be elevated to the detriment of others if it acts in a pluralistic space of political culture and perceives its rules as indestructible. This is the ideal design of the functioning of the political

culture. Naturally, there is also a real construction that is characterized, depending on the particular political system, by more or less deviations from the ideal.

The first typology of the political culture was proposed by G. Almond and S. Verba who identified three main types:

1) provincial (traditional or patriarchal);

2) the subject;

3) partisipatory, or political culture of participation (activist).

In real political practice, as G. Almond and S. Verba note,

a combination of types occurs. As a result, three types of mixed political cultures of the society are formed: provincial-subject, subject-parental and provincial-partisan.

The best variant of a mixed type of political culture was proposed by American political scientists to be called civil culture.

Systematizing existing in the scientific literature definitions of political culture, EB Shestonal brings them to four groups:

1) psychological, where culture is seen as a system of orientation to political objects; 2) comprehensive, including both attitudes and political behavior of individuals; 3) objective, in which culture is presented as a definite limiter of the behavior of the individual; 4) heuristic, considering culture as a hypothetical construction for for analytical purposes.

The discussion is, in particular, around the issue of the content of political culture. Some researchers advocate the so-called progressist approach, which reduces political culture to an ideal scheme and sees in it the peak of the political development of society. Other authors argue that the highest level of political culture is characteristic of civil society, especially in Western democracies. Supporters of another point of view deny the existence of a universal, universal human political culture and are convinced that every country, civilization, every nation and ethnos has its own unique political features, and therefore it would be a mistake to talk about "right" and incorrect & quot ;, developed and undeveloped & quot ;, high and low political cultures. While emphasizing their diversity, these authors, naturally, do not accept a normative approach to this phenomenon. They focus on resistant stereotypes of mass consciousness and behavior, tracing their continuity through the depths of centuries.

The literature also contains a definition that belongs to G. Almond and H. Powell, who characterized political culture as a set of individual positions and orientations of participants of this system, as a subjective The sphere that underlies political actions and gives them importance. Individual orientations, according to these authors, combine the following elements:

1) cognitive orientation - true or false knowledge of political objects and ideas;

2) affective orientation - a sense of connection, involvement, opposition and other things in relation to political objects

3) estimated orientation - judgment and opinion about political objects and events on the basis of evaluation criteria.

From the proposed by G. Almond and G. Powell typology of individual orientations, one can deduce a list of certain qualities that political subjects must possess.

1. Knowledge of the political system in which the subject is located: its structure, the purpose of its elements, the actors, in the final analysis, the rules for using the existing system. All this is indisputable for the political culture of the journalist, but with certain additions. First, it is necessary to have an in-depth knowledge of the socio-political role of journalism itself. Secondly, the study of methods of spiritual impact on the system with the aim of achieving specific political goals, the special power of the "information weapon" and the danger of one-on-one mastery of it by any political group. The mere concretization of the content of the cognitive orientation of the political culture of a journalist leads this political culture to the category of special, but not in the sense of some of its "privilege" (which, frankly speaking, is not serious), but in the sense of asserting the constant control of it by society.

2. Knowledge of the system predetermines the spectrum of human feelings, dependent on the degree of humanity of the system's organization, the degree of its appeal to the person being understood as a sovereign person. Ignorance of the system can cause any of human feelings, ranging from fear of incomprehensible to unconscious trust; but nevertheless ignorance, misunderstanding of the existing political system often cause negative reactions - fear, hatred, deaf indifference. Misunderstanding of the system leads to an inadequate reflection of the actions of the actors in the political system, which is fraught with the success of demagogues and populists in the eyes of the layman, since the real meaning of the activities of other participants in the political process for the latter is closed and unknown. Of course, all journalists are different in terms of knowledge, involvement in the political system. At the same time, in the overwhelming majority, they are well acquainted with the socio-political reality, which for a long time does not cause them a sense of fear or overestimated trust. Knowledge of the system generates a calm appeal of journalists with its attributes, symbols and manifestations. However, this is not the specificity of the emotional beginning in the political culture of a journalist. Emotions here are a continuation of a deeper political science - at the level of theory and practice - cognition of the surrounding reality multiplied by the emotions of a common cultural series, originating in areas of humanitarian knowledge that are already familiar to the journalist. These are the "emotions of the world view," which directly affect the professional image of the journalist: the impulsively expressed consent or disagreement of the journalist to the perception of any information. A journalist or is open to new, maybe disturbing, even shocking, messages, or in his mind puts up some sort of screen. This is a well-studied by psychologists reaction of the individual to the novelty, peculiar, of course, to journalists. The type of reaction imposes its own imprint on the style, the appearance of the professional activity of a journalist, his professional behavior; all this is already permissible to consider by the criterion of tolerance.

3. Political behavior is manifested, manifested in concrete political actions of people, and this is, as mentioned above, the objectification of their thoughts, needs, interests, aspirations, will, aimed at political relations. The concept of political behavior as course of action in the political sphere.

Note that the typology of political culture bears an important pragmatic meaning for the successful professional activity of a journalist. To know the type of political culture, social, ethnocultural and temporal factors that have a special impact on it means that you have the language of communication with the audience, because the deep essence of the task of any journalistic presentation is a change in the consciousness and behavior of the audience. It is impossible to achieve changes with complete disparity between the planes of the journalist's political culture and the political culture of the society. So the ability of a journalist to combine planes distinguishes a developed political culture of a journalist from her initial, not corresponding to the time forms.

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