The politics dynasty undoubtedly plays an influential role in Philippine population. Families of politics dynasties are resting side by side to deliberate on important legislations that will have an impact on the future of more than 80 million Filipinos both young and old for generations to come (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS. NET. , 2000). It's been often contended that politics dynasties not in favor of the worth upheld by democracy since it generally does not provide an equivalent opportunity for people to hold offices of electric power and service. While using set-up of the politics dynasty, it appears as though positions of electricity are exclusively dominated by a particular clan or family. Arguably, the politics dynasty is thought to monopolize the system of governance since it restricts the probability of other common Filipinos to provide the people. It creates a brain drain in the sense that the new and competent leader who could possibly perform much better than those presently in office, would not be given an opportunity when jogging against someone with a name. Past Mayor, and now DILG Secretary Jesse Robredo of Naga City, that has tightly stood against political dynasties, he feels, "The proper to serve does not belong to one family together. Normal people who have earned to be empowered should get the possibility to serve the city, " (Medel, 2007). It is undeniable that we now have applicants who are voted into office simply because of their name and fame. Sons, siblings and even wives of politicians - people who have no knowledge whatsoever of how to lead and provide, are voted into office simply because of their connection to previous leaders. Electoral votes are not so much predicated on the capability of one to serve, but rather on the name carried by person who is running. It really is quite obvious that the family name of an elected formal or a potential prospect plays a big role in the success of 1 who falls under the group of being part of any political family. It can be identified that electricity can be seen not only in exercises of surplus but also in tangible things like a candidate's family name. This symbolic ability could be observed as a perpetuation of the power system that operates through a politics dynasty since it performs a major role in a dynasty's extended existence and evolution.
The validity of the political dynasty has always continued to be an extremely debatable matter. Why do traditional politics clans whatever do not floor their resources predicated on their economic stance, still exist in the Philippine politics area despite some rejections by others that it generally does not provide equivalent opportunities for other individuals to run for general public office? What key elements existing in these politics dynasties make them prominent in the politics arena up until today? Does indeed the existence of the politics dynasty really help the Filipino people, or is it just making the politics maturity of the nation stagnant? (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS. NET. , 2000). Despite the negative connotation brought about by political dynasties and its own detrimental effects throughout Philippine background, political dynasties are not completely negative and can bring certain positive effects. The solution to stop the unwanted effects linked to politics dynasties is never to ban politics dynasties in general, but instead, to teach people to vote more responsibly in choosing a head. In this newspaper, I plan to find the factors that produce political dynasties relevant today in the face of a democratic Philippine contemporary society by taking into consideration Michel Foucault's theory on power and Vladimir Lenin's theory on company.
In line with what Michel Foucault brought up in his work, "Discipline and Punish", politics dynasties in the Philippines are unique in a manner that they possess active features that keep them making it through up until today. He pressured in his work that vitality is exercised with techniques that it can be excessive to keep up order and self-discipline in contemporary society. The example would be that of Francois Damiens, who was publicly tortured and executed for his try to assassinate the sovereign. As Foucault recounts the event, one can see the screen of the high use of capacity to punish Damiens for his activities, as observed in his recount wherein "Damiens, who cried out profusely, though without swearing, raised his brain and looked at himself; the same executioner dipped an flat iron spoon, in the container made up of boiling potion, which he poured liberally over each wound. . . " (Focault, 1977). Here we can see the sovereign's extreme use of capacity to punish a subject who attemptedto challenge his sovereignty by wanting to take his life. Francois Damiens' general public torture and execution was made as an example to others that contesting the king's sovereignty would be subject to the same level of abuse or worse.
What Michel Foucault was reiterating in his accounts of Damiens' torture is the fact that power is mostly being exercised on the body as a means of strategizing the deployments of ability alternatively than to punish the violator by creating physical pain. The criminal offenses committed by Damiens was against the body of the ruler; therefore, the punishment that was presented with to the violator was also against his body, through the form of torture. The pain induced to the body was obviously not intended limited to the body by themselves but rather come to out to those who have witnessed or found out about the execution. The gravity of such an event still touches on modernity in a manner that whoever reads or hears about such an event could still have the gravity of the excessive use of electricity.
During the first 18th century, there was a display of extreme torture on the body regarding to Michel Foucault. In a span of a few decades, the process of torture became an activity of organized disciplinary action in the form of a penal justice system. This evolution of torture saw the disappearance of punishment on the body and a loosening of the your hands on the sovereign over your body. Inside the disappearance of consequence, it enters in to the abstract awareness of society somewhat than of perceptions. Furthermore, there's a concentrate on the effectivity of abuse alternatively than of spectacles, wherein it concentrates only on presence or level of consequence such as that of Foucault's consideration of Damiens' torture. Within the loosening of your hands on the sovereign on your body, one can note that punishment no more touched the body but instead as Foucault would express, "The body now acts as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon it to imprison it, or to make it work, it is to be able to deprive the average person of any liberty that is looked upon both as a right and as property" (Focault, 1977). Within the spectacle of scaffolds, executioners offered as the king's "hand" in punishing offenders. As time approved, doctors, psychiatrists, assistance advisors, judges and prison wardens now took over the executioner's role of administering punishment. As Foucault aptly input it, "To sum up, since the new penal system - that identified by the fantastic codes of the eighteenth and nineteenth hundreds of years - has been around operation, an over-all process has led judges to guage something other than crimes; they have been led in their phrases to take action apart from judge; and the power of judging has been transferred partly, to other specialists than the judges of the offence. The complete penal operation has considered on extra-juridical elements and workers. " (Focault, 1977).
Negative Factors to Political Dynasties
"The very excess of the violence employed is one of the components of glory: the actual fact that the guilty man should moan and weep out under the blows is not really a shameful side - effect, it is the very ceremonial of justice being indicated in all its drive. Hence without doubt those tortures that take place even after fatality: corpses burnt, ashes thrown to the winds, body dragged on hurdles and exhibited at the roadside. Justice pursues your body beyond all possible pain" (Focault, 1977)
Similar from what Foucault had examined about power relationships, this paper, uses the same theory but relates it to the sensation of politics dynasties in the Philippines. Throughout Philippine background, the politics dynasty has considered on a negative connotation. Often linked to problems like graft, corruption, and maltreatment of power, it has taken on a detrimental role to contemporary society. Perhaps the most infamous of most is the politics dynasty of the Marcos family. Purported to have embezzled between US$5 billion and US$10 billion from the Philippines, Transparency International has positioned Ferdinand Marcos at second on a set of the world's most corrupt politics leaders of the past 2 decades; surpassed only by ex - Indonesian Chief executive Suharto (Ferdinand Marcos: Killer Record, 2000). Names like the Estradas/Ejercitos and the Singson young families have also linked the image of the political dynasty to allegations of graft and problem. Luis "Chavit" Singson, governor of the province of Ilocos Sur, alleged that he had in my opinion given Estrada the sum of 400 million pesos as payoff from illegitimate gambling profits such as "jueteng", as well as 180 million pesos from the federal government price subsidy for the tobacco farmers' marketing cooperative. Singson's allegation brought on an uproar over the land, which culminated in Estrada's impeachment trial by the home of Associates in November 13, 2000. A more recent example, would be that of the Ampatuans', whose name has been thrust to the limelight after the event of the "Maguindanao Massacre" where 58 individuals comprising their family rival's, the Mangudadatus, relatives plus some journalists were taken and killed avoiding them from submitting their patron's license of candidacy.
Families associated with political dynasties flood the news with allegations of all sorts of offense ranging from problem, robbery, murder and even rape. Whether or not these are proven or unproven, everything translates into the tarnished and grubby image that the political dynasty holds in today's society. This is exactly what Michel Foucault talks about in the spectacle of the scaffold wherein there is a display associated with an high use of power through torture. As Foucault mentions, there are three criterions where punishment must follow in order to are categorized as the category of torture. The first being, it must manifest pain over a certain degree, that might be seen in the example of Francois Damiens' torture. The second being that such pain is governed in a way that anguish is maximized alternatively than imposing loss of life immediately because this anguish would insure a more effective notice of change on the offender's part. Last but not least, perhaps the most important would be that torture grades the individual and this it should serve as a spectacle. Torture marking the average person means that there is a reclaiming of the sovereign by the ruler and that the making of the execution as a spectacle would serve as a general public screen of the ruler's sovereignty. Such a general population execution seeks to attain out to the whole of the society by making the very thought of punishment tell you their awareness making them aware of the total electricity of the sovereign, them providing as his subjects.
The framework of the reasoning of torture is that there surely is contempt for body, wherein your body serves a possession of the sovereign. There is a political dependence on the sovereign to display his power that will provide as a recognition of his dominance over his subject matter. Furthermore, this display of vitality actually runs through an internal business of politicization and serves as a disciplining factor towards order. As Foucault mentions how the Enlightenment period called torture as an atrocity, "atrocity is one particular that best designates the current economic climate of public torture in the old penal practice. " (Focault, 1977) Further, he says that "insofar as being the crime before everyone's sight in all its severity, the punishment must take responsibility for this atrocity: it must bring to light by confessions, assertions, inscription which make it general population, it must reproduce it in ceremonies that use it to the body of the guilty person by means of humiliation and pain. Atrocity is the fact that area of the crime that the consequence turns again as torture to be able to display it in the full light of day" (Focault, 1977)
In light of Michel Foucault's research of vitality, he shows the way the display of extreme power can provide as a negative connotation towards disciplining contemporary society. With regards to the lifetime of politics dynasties, their display of excessive electric power by means of running private armies or reliance on coercion in order to establish and keep maintaining their power, could very well provide as a detriment to general population order as well as to their own living. That's where Vladimir Lenin's theory on company will come into play because ability by itself in a democratic culture, especially excessive vitality, can clash with the worth of democracy while electric power in conjunction with proper business could bargain with the said prices. Firm, furthermore, would tweak how vitality is distributed, dispersed and applied to the sovereign's content. In the case of political dynasties where power is seen to be always a tool used for politics domination, electricity alongside corporation can produce a highly effective dynasty, which performs on behalf of and for the general public rather than for itself and its own interests.
Good Edges to Political Dynasties
In his book, "What is to be achieved?", Vladimir Lenin discusses the value of company to serve as a centering of all efforts towards a certain goal. An planned exercise of vitality would mean that there is a proper system that is undergone where it is both regulated and directed towards achieving an objective rather than simply a spectacle. In the case of political dynasties, regardless of the weaknesses that they are susceptible to, it also has its strengths. Political dynasties provide continuity and political steadiness - which is particularly clear in provinces such as those organised by the Josons of Nueva Ecija, Ortegas of La Union, and Dys of Isabela. There is certainly minimal political risk which plays an enormous role when it comes to investments. With all the continuity provided by political dynasties, traders can be reassured that laws do not change mid-stream of any investor's project and this business agreements made in the past would be upheld in the succeeding decades. This sparks an interest in terms of foreign corporations doing business in under-developed countries since it takes out premium on political instability insurance (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS. NET. , 2000). Furthermore, this continuity guarantees that the required goal is achieved overtime and will be implemented throughout a long-term establishment created by these dynasties. Furthermore, their continued presence help promote continuing improvement and development, so long as the succeeding innovator is actually competent and not only voted for his namesake. For example, a son who's to take the place of his father's position in office, can benefit from the experience and guidance of his father. Assuming that the succeeding leader has been trained from in early stages by the exemplory case of good leaders who have also lead from his dynasty, he'd have the ability to emulate the nice qualities and learn from mistakes made in the past as well as assure the frequent upholding of the nice qualities taught by his predecessors. By this technique of learning from the exemplory case of the previous decades, they might have a huge advantage in terms of command and experience.
An example of a booming region, which includes been ruled under a political dynasty for over a hundred years, is La Union. "The family of Ortegas have occupied elective and appointed positions in the province since the 20th century. In 1901, Joaquin Ortega was appointed governor by the US colonial administration. In 2006, ten Ortegas were having various elective content in La Union" (Medel, 2007). The wealth of the spot speaks obviously, of how well the dynasty has supervised. Boasting a 97% literacy rate and a 94. 77% occupation rate, La Union is categorised as an initial class province (La Union, 2007). The City of San Fernando is now the seat of national authorities companies in Region I and middle of trade, commerce, financial and educational organizations, among others. From a "deep rooted potential of secure community governance, to international delivery, an airport with viable capacity to accommodate international air traffic, natural ground conducive to tourism development and a people endowed with social and virtuous history of industry, spirituality, nationalism and aspiration for expansion, peace and wealth, the City of San Fernando has emerged as the flourishing Metropolis of the North. " (San Fernando City). In response to issues raised regarding the ongoing existence of a political dynasty in the region, Mayor Mary Jane C. Ortega replies, "It is not an issue. Why punish people who deliver? Like in Frankfurt, they have a Mayor for 25 years and she maintains delivering. Look how developed Frankfurt is. It isn't a concern if you are in vitality for a long time. It isn't actually the space of service. It is the quality of service that you give. If the first choice delivers, why punish him/ her? Alternatively, if you have a term limitation, 3 years is too long kung hindi naman nagdedeliver, " (Medel, 2007).
Another respectable innovator belonging to households with a background in politics dynasties include Senator Mar Roxas, kid of the illustrious Senator Gerry Roxas, and the grandson of the venerable Leader Manuel Roxas whose general public service opportunities have greatly benefited the united states. Mar's general population service life began inside your home of Reps in 1993. After his congressional stint, he was appointed as Secretary of the Division of Trade and Industry; and then in 2004, he was elected to the Senate with an astounding 20 million votes - the most significant ever obtained by way of a candidate in virtually any Philippine election. Mar's stint inside your home is most noted for his principal authorship of RA 7880, also known as the Roxas Regulation, which ensures fair distribution of the education capital budget among all the provinces. This provided life to his advocacy for good and equitable usage of education, free from local bias and political patronage considerations. Due to his record of achievements as a general population servant and politics leader, the international community described Mar as "one of the young leaders in politics and business who'll bring Asia and the Pacific to the forefront of world affairs. " (Senator Mar A. Roxas) At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Mar was named as "one of the Global Leaders of Tomorrow who is expected to form the near future. " (Senator Mar A. Roxas) Recently, the Singapore Authorities has awarded him as the 16th Lee Kuan Yew Fellow (Senator Mar A. Roxas).
Another example of a leader who has chosen to stick by his concepts regardless of the temptations provided by that of a politics dynasty is Governor Barbers. Governor Robert Lyndon S. Barbers is the eldest boy of Senator Robert "Bobby" Z. Barbers and Vergie Smith of Makati City. The family has a deep-rooted backdrop in politics. His sibling was second district Rep. of Surigao del Norte and was been successful by other family who ran for governor in the province. Despite his family's involvement in a political dynasty, Lyndon Barbers has made a definite stand against nepotism; family members are forbidden from profiting from any project due to his position as Governor. It has shown on several situations. A relative of his was once found functioning a sand-gravel quarrying business with out a permit or permit and was brought to judge. In another occasion, a cousin of his was arrested for illegal playing functions (Medel, 2007). Furthermore, there are many other families owned by political dynasties which may have also contributed a good deal into building the country and providing its people. Family members like the Magsaysays, Osmenas, Biazons, Cayetanos, Villars, Duavits, Escuderos, Espinas, Gordons, Madrigals, Mitras Plazas, and Rectos have done a good job of keeping a clean image. They are the leaders who establish that the politics dynasty can be good for society so long as it generally does not abuse its electric power.
It can't be discounted that you won't practice the use of electricity, although, there may be ways wherein this ability can be diverted into good reasons to accomplish societal order and development. This is what Vladimir Lenin is strains when he mentions in his work that, "Such staff, average folks of the masses, are capable of displaying gigantic energy and self-sacrifice in attacks and in streets, battles with the authorities and the troops, and are capable (in simple fact, are alone able) of determining the outcome of your entire activity - but the struggle contrary to the political police force requires special characteristics; it requires professional revolutionaries" (Lenin, 1902). In this particular quotation, Lenin stresses that arranging a mass of people requires a strategic use of electric power as opposed to a fueling of the mobs thoughts. A possible historical example would be that of the North american Revolution in contrast to the French trend. The French revolution had didn't recognize their freedom because they didn't organize their work of systemizing their trend. The market leaders of the French revolution relied solely on vitality and doing so led to the abuse and struggle of power. In the end, the French revolution offered as a spectacle of disorganization, wherein towards the finish, Napoleon Bonaparte's introduction to snatch power was identified. This introduction of Napoleon out of this disorganization is an opposite compared to that of an sorted out succession and transfer of power observed in the American Revolution. The American Trend, through proper group, gave labor and birth to flexibility, liberty and equality among the list of states. The copy and succession of electric power from one chief executive to another required organization as well as a regulation of their, being the presidents', power.
The political dynasty has its share of benefits and drawbacks. There are examples of good political dynasties as well as bad ones. However, as well as the faults of the politics dynasty that are highlighted and scrutinized. More often than not, the news is filled with information about charges of theft, plunder and whatnot. As a result of which, many have turned to the solution of seeking to ban politics dynasties completely.
Laws Regarding Political Dynasties
In terms of the legality of politics dynasties, Art work. II, Sec. 26 of the Constitution says, "THE STATE OF HAWAII shall guarantee similar access to opportunities for open public service, and prohibit politics dynasties as may be described for legal reasons. " However, there is absolutely no clear description of political dynasties and then the provision is none of them self-executing. It is the most ignored policy by Congress due to certain reasons. The framers kept it to the congress to establish political dynasties - which it hasn't done (Cruz, 2007). This loophole in regulations has allowed the politics dynasty to keep up for this day even if it is technically not allowed. The only legislation being positively enforced to avoid the maltreatment of electric power is the word limits on elective positions. However, providing a term limit for elective officials is easily countered by having families pass on their electricity. To retain politics hang on his constituents, a forcibly retired public arranges to acquire his wife, a mistress, one of is own children, his own siblings, or a father or mother to occupy his position for just one term. And, he'll be experienced again to perform for office (Cruz, 2007).
In an attempt to ban politics dynasties, there is an anti-dynasty monthly bill that was loaded by Majority Floor Leader Arthur Defensor of Iloilo. Section Five of House Charge 783, which reads, "Any person who has a politics dynasty marriage with an incumbent elective official is disqualified from jogging for just about any elective general population office within the same city and/or province where the elective public standard is jogging. " This monthly bill is only going to be proactive. It will not affect those who are already currently having positions. The costs also limits this is of a political dynasty romance as existing only among relatives up to the second amount of affinity or consanguinity. Thus, only the spouse, children, siblings or parents of the incumbent are deemed disqualified and similar in-law marriage. The charge disallows a member of family of incumbent from operating for a position like governor, vice governor, mayor, vice mayor, as these positions are vested executive power. Another unique feature of this bill is that it allows family members of the incumbent to perform for posts such as mother board member or councilor where electric power is shared due to the collegial character of the office. The thought of the costs is to club relatives from having positions where power is concentrated within an individual, but not from positions where decision-making is manufactured through deliberation and consensus (Bordadora, 2007).
Solution to Problems Regarding Political Dynasties
Although this new charge seems just like a good and effective idea for countering the unwanted effects of the living political dynasties, they have yet to have been chose by legislators whether this will be completely implemented or not. It really is up to the Congress to choose whether this invoice will be exceeded and it appears highly unlikely that they will do so. This is partly because of the fact that political dynasties have become so much an integral part of the existing system of governance that it is almost impossible to change. "I don't think it has much of an opportunity under the present Congress, " mentioned Defensor regarding his judgment on possibility of the costs being exceeded (Bordadora, 2007).
Like it or not, the emergence of political dynasties in the Philippines still operate well within the construction of so-called democracy (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS. NET. , 2000). No matter how much work is put up against the politics dynasty, it is here now to stay. It really is simply futile to expect any change about the current laws on politics dynasties. Instead of taking a look at something that is simply out of reach, people should recognize that there lays a much simpler solution. It might be impossible to ban all political dynasties in general; however, it is possible to put an end to the bad political dynasties. People should recognize that they will be the ones who choose their leaders into office. Regardless of how strong a political dynasty may be, sovereignty is held by the folks. By the end of the day, it'll be the people to decide if a dynasty will be been successful. "Absolute electric power is when you yourself have a dictatorship. We still have to go through an election. The electorate would be the ones to dictate who will be the ones who will lead. The folks have the energy, not the officials" (Medel, 2007). All of this discuss outlawing politics dynasties and its own bad effects wouldn't normally even be necessary if people were to vote more responsibly. What's happening in the current society would be that the people will be the ones choosing to make themselves powerless. They are really quick to find faults in the machine and demand for change, yet they certainly nothing to really help change. People need to understand that approximately the bad political dynasties are to blame, they are also responsible for allowing these dynasties to stay in power. Ultimately, people have the power to put an end to politics dynasties if the need arises. If they see a certain dynasty abuses their electricity, they possess the power and responsibility to vote towards a change in leadership. On the other hand, if a dynasty does a good job, they have the choice to permit the dynasty to continue in the succeeding generations. Relating to then Representative of Tarlac and now Leader Benigno Aquino, the issue of whether a member of a politics family should continue in office or not is a subject of general public choice. "At the end of the day, people deserve the federal government they get, " he said (Cusi, 2004). That said, these traditional political dynasties, whatever do not earth their resources predicated on their economic position, are still existing up even today because they don't really just basically exercise power on behalf of their families but instead they point this vitality towards an ordered use to enhance the public's welfare which is the way it's said to be in a democratic world. While progress is still supplied by these political clans with their constituents, then their dominance and relevance in the Philippine politics arena and world will be here to stay. Alternatively, if one lacks or exceeds in either their group or exercise of power, then that dynasty is bound to fail.
All in all, it is difficult to produce a generalization whether the political dynasty is actually good or bad since this would differ over a case-to-case basis. It could be damaging to Philippine contemporary society on some cases, yet beneficial on other conditions. You will discover both good political dynasties and bad ones. Each politics dynasty has its strengths and weaknesses and it is the duty of the people to be the judge. The political dynasty, like any other system of control, is prone to error. In the end, no system of administration is actually perfect; problems will always arise. What are needed will be the unified efforts of each and every individual to continuously strive in building the nation into a much better place.
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