Determinants of individuals behaviour towards immigration

This paper analyzes the determinants of individual behaviour towards immigration within a group of students that review in UK. We consider three different kinds of components that effect each individual procedure towards immigration. In the first situation, we assumed that people's attitudes toward immigration will be influenced by which politics get together they support. In the next scenario, we assumed that those who are in a city will have significantly more positive attitudes towards immigrants than someone who lives in a town, or a village. The third assumption was that individual which have been outside UK many times will form positive attitudes towards immigration, than individuals who have never been outside UK. What we found was that there is not a factor in attitudes toward immigration in every three components.


The classification of behaviour is: "Attitudes is a subconscious propensity that is portrayed by evaluating a particular entity with some degree of favor or disfavor" (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993, p1). The word is part of the commonsense language, and everyone understands and uses it to express attitude towards faith, racism, work, politics and a great many other things. Every day, each folks is exposed to many stimuli which change and strengthen our attitudes. It isn't coincidental, that Allport (1935) thought of attitudes as the most indispensable part of cultural psychology. A couple of psychologists even considered the complete psychology as scientific study of behaviour (Thomas & Znaniecki, 1918).

Attitudes toward immigration fluctuate within every society and there are many factors that play a significant role compared to that. In a newspaper evaluating the growing restrictiveness lately 19th century immigration insurance policy, Timmer and Williamson (1998) argued that economical factors were sufficient to clarify the anti-immigration backlash that happened in the major host countries of the brand new World in those days. They constructed an index of immigration barriers in america, Canada, Argentina, Australia and Brazil from 1850 to 1930, predicated on a careful reading of each country's immigration legislation. What they found was that the most consistently significant variable describing the surge in immigration obstacles was financial inequality. Growing equality urged more open up immigration policies, while growing inequality urged more restrictive immigration plans.

According to Mayda (2004), relationship between pro-immigration behaviour and specific skill, should be related to the skill of natives relative to immigrants in the destination country. Skilled individuals should favour immigration in countries where natives are usually more skilled than immigrants and oppose it often. The results of her research support her hypothesis. Skilled individuals support immigration whether immigrants are skilled or not and oppose it if they're not skilled.

In similar fashion Scheve and Slaughter (2001) conducted a survey to analyze the determinants of specific preferences over immigration in USA. What they found was that less-skilled employees were a lot more likely to prefer limiting immigrant inflows in to the United States. Also, they found no evidence that the relationship between skills and immigration ideas is more robust in high-immigration areas.

Hainmueller and Hiscox (2007) researched individual behaviour towards immigrants across European countries. What they found was that more educated people are significantly less racist and place higher value on ethnic diversity than do their counterparts. They are also more likely to believe that immigration generates benefits for the number economy all together. On the contrary, the connection between your education or skill levels of individuals and views about immigration seems to have very little to do with worries about labour-market competition. They also found that a huge component of the hyperlink between education and behaviour toward immigrants is powered by variations among individuals in ethnic values and beliefs.

Recent surveys conducted in UK show that two thirds of the folks think that UK has immigration problem. The Guardian reports that the British are the only people in European Europe who would like immigration settings at the countrywide rather than the Western european level, whilst they may have little confidence in the united kingdom authorities' handling the issue. The poll advises the British will be more anti-immigrant and xenophobic than the rest of Western Europe, blaming immigrants for unemployment, and divide over whether to give them equal communal benefits.

Given the impact of the recession on employment in the west over the last year, in another of the polls was found that 54% of individuals in UK agreed with the declaration that "the crisis intended that immigrants were taking jobs from the native-born". Also the English thought that immigrants frustrated wage rates.

Another interesting founding is the fact that Britons wanted to deny legal immigrants similar public benefits, they favoured reinforcing boundary controls to fight illegal immigration, and they did not support legalising the status of against the law immigrants.

This study focuses on students studying in UK. The analysis that was constructed focused in three key areas. Firstly, it took into consideration the place that its specific lives or live. The hypothesis was that folks that lived in towns would much more likely have positive attitudes toward immigration, than people who reside in villages and towns. Subsequently, it was thought that the politics views of the average person will impact in his/her attitude toward immigration. On this question, it was hypothesized that folks that support the liberal democrat party will have significantly more positive attitudes than people that support the labour or conservative party. Lastly, traveling outside UK was thought that it has a direct effect on the individuals' frame of mind toward immigration. With this question it was assumed that individuals' that possessed travelled outside UK several times would have more positive attitudes toward immigration than the ones that didn't.



The questionnaire contains four questions. The first question was "what is the general frame of mind towards immigration"? The response was either positive or negative, and the individuals had to tick one the boxes. Another question was "which political party best includes your views"? In such a question there were three available answers and the members were required to tick one of the boxes. With this question we assumed that Liberal Democrats will have significantly more positive attitudes toward immigration than the Labour and Traditional celebrations. Third question was "how will you describe the place where you live"? Again we've three available answers and individuals have to tick on. On this question people that resided in a city would become more likely to have positive thoughts of immigration than individuals who live in towns and villages. Third question was "how many countries have you seen outside UK"? On this question we assumed that folks who've travelled more in another country could have more positive attitudes towards immigration.

Participants and Procedure

Twenty undergraduate students at Swansea University had taken part in the questionnaire (14 woman and 6 guy) aged between 18 and 28.

The participants were given a questionnaire to complete. It had been emphasized to them that their results will be cared for in the strictest confidence, and that they will not be divulged to anyone in a fashion that allows their identification. Also the individuals were told that there surely is no "right" or "wrong" answer to the questions plus they should give their immediate response to the individual items, rather than creating a careful thought out and deliberate response.


Using Rx C Chi Square Test of relationship we found that for the political views the critical value was. 29. For the countries been to we also found that critical value was. 29. Last but not least, for the place that its individual lives, critical value was 3. 07. Looking at it to the critical value of chi square=5. 99 we can conclude that there surely is not factor in all the questions. Therefore, participant's behaviour towards immigration were not significant, whether where they was raised, what political get together they support and how many times they have travelled overseas.


The leads to this study weren't significant to support our hypothesis. In all the questions the critical value was lower than the chi-squares' critical value, but we must take into consideration that there were three or more cells that got an expected consistency of less then three that could explain why none of the results were significant.

Even though our hypothesis cannot be reinforced while doing the chi-square test of relationship some of the results could be very useful. Within the first question which was about the politics party which each individual holds, from the 20 students that participated in the study ten of these supported liberal democrats, and eight of these had positive attitudes towards immigration. Considering liberal democrats' politics views this result supports our hypothesis. In the next question where in fact the participants had to describe the place they resided, we found that most of them resided in towns and town and only 1 in a city. Our hypothesis here was that people that lived in cities may possibly have significantly more positive attitudes about immigration since they would need to associate with an increase of immigrants, plus they would be more open up minded, than they might if they lived in a village or a town. Since only one person lives in a city our hypothesis cannot be argued. Nineteen of the individuals reside in villages and towns and the majority of them have positive behaviour toward immigration which does not support our assumption. Last but not least, in the question of just how many countries have they went to outside UK, we hypothesised that the people that had been outside UK several times could have more positive behaviour towards immigration than those that had never remaining the region. Seventeen of the individuals experienced travelled more four times outside UK and twelve of these had positive attitudes toward immigration which supports our hypothesis.

In future studies, to provide greater results we should have each individual complete the questionnaire alone and not among other people. Some individuals might have given incorrect replies because they might not want other people to think that they are really racists. Another thing we should consider is where every individual lives. We could claim our hypothesis better if we'd equal amount of folks living in places, towns and villages. The exact same could be said for people that contain travelled abroad often, several times, or have not travelled at all. Lastly we have to have similar amount of people to compare if gender is important in behaviour toward immigration.

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