An Evaluation Of The Impacts Of Tourism Tourism Essay

In this project I'd like to look into the relationship between tourism and individuals residing in popular traveler locations; specifically the profound impact tourism has on local culture. This topic interests me as although I have never went to the global south myself, a lot of my friends and acquaintances travel there frequently for getaways. Tourism will have many results on these 'destination' type areas. I know that many of these destinations are in poorer areas of the world. Some significant results that tourism is wearing these areas express themselves economically, socially and culturally. Though tourism may create careers and stimulate the local economy there are some downsides to tourism and aspects of the influx of guests that may be bad for local cultures. In my own research paper I am going to analyze the benefits that tourism is wearing local economies with regards to the public and cultural effect on the community. I am hoping to evaluate precisely how beneficial probably short-term financial stimulus is when confronted with potential injury to the economy in the long run, residents and local culture. I am going to discuss this issue globally but with a concentrate on Southeast Asia and specifically India. My paper will emphasize quite question: is vacationing in a 'third world' country possibly unethical? Or does the stimulus to a developing country's current economic climate justify the social and cultural implications of travel and leisure and the development that tourism brings in the region. Considering the ethical issues encircling this will also be an important factor in determining if the cultural effects of travel and leisure is suitable or justifiable by the economic benefits. In my opinion, although tourism will support economic growth in many communities there is deep and irreversible cultural impact.

In 'Tourism in Destination Communities' Shalini Singh looks at a concept by Jafar Jafari the writer of "Encyclopedia of Tourism". Jafari created the consolidated platforms of tourism. One of Jafari's four programs is advocacy- that is to say that travel and leisure is capable of financial good. Another system, the cautionary system, emphasizes the value of noting the intricate interactions at the local level. The other two websites are "Adaptancy" (which is referred to as 'expert community tourism') and Knowledge centered - which really is a holistic treatment for community-based tourism (Jafari cited in Singh 2003). Singh and S. W. Boyd (26-30) discuss interactions between tourism and destination areas in terms of 'win-win, ' 'win-lose, ' 'lose-win' or 'lose-lose' paradigms (Carter and Lowman, 1944; Nepal, 2000). Examples of 'win-win' situations do are present and this shows that travel and leisure can indeed be financially beneficial to a destination community. The example distributed by Boyd and Singh is that of Ayers rock and roll (Uluru) which is one of Australia's most famous places of interest. Although Australia is not a country typically regarded as area of the global south I believe this example is relevant as the aboriginal neighborhoods in the area could easily be marginalized and exploited by tourism. The community however takes a dynamic role by defining their romance with tourism as having control and choice. (Mercer cited in S. W. Boyd and S. Singh: 1994:37). The community participates by providing educational services, that allows them to mention that the religious and cultural need for Uluru is something to be respected. (Wells, cited in S. W. Boyd and S. Singh 1996:37). The neighborhood businesses in the area advantage and are had by the folks of the aboriginal community. This example is congruent to Jafari's platforms of Advocacy and Adaptancy and it shows travel and leisure in this circumstance as 'expert community' and capable of monetary good. As this situation is economically beneficial to this area, without reducing or de-valuing the neighborhood culture, it is an excellent method of development. Another example where the local community benefits is the 'win-lose' situation, a very salient example being Cuba. The city benefits economically, although mass travel and leisure does not. That is achieved through insurance policies and marketing that emphasizes quality tourism by restricting the number and type of travelers (high spenders, low quantities). The travel and leisure is promoted for exclusivity and affluence which is performed through selective marketing and catering the assistance towards wealthier people. Cuba's travel and leisure industry's market segments strategically to focus on Canadian 'snowbirds' who also take long-term getaways in Florida (Peters 2002:4). Their travelling for extended periods of time in a US location and their potential to spend US currency suggests their affluence. Another strategy is the development of golf programs in the region. Miguel Figueras, a travel and leisure ministry economist and advisor in Cuba, says that golfing is a feature that can draw in higher spending travellers (Peters 2002:5). Tactical tourism planning allows a country to tap into the prosperity of the global north's wealthiest vacationers allowing maximum monetary benefit without mass sharing of what they have to offer.

However there a wide range of situations where local economies lose. That is especially common in coastal-resort established tourism across the Mediterranean coast. These improvements only offer short term economic gain and lead to long term reduction in terms of the community as well as the environment. Although tourism will create many careers, including direct job (jobs in hotels and restaurants), indirect employment (jobs not really a result of direct tourist spending- such as laundries and bank), and induced job (jobs created in the community as a result of increased income of associates locally) the majority of careers are seasonal and in your free time (D. Ioannides 2003). In addition often much of the money spent by tourists leaves the united states. A lot of the money spent by tourists on their vacations runs towards their travel costs and their accommodations. This implies the amount of money leaves the united states and would go to airlines and transnational companies who run hotel chains. This may lead to a good part of local people sharing their environment with vacationers without ever before actually experiencing or experiencing any financial benefits themselves (Krotz 1996:215). Although visitor spending may add an influx of forex to an economy, as well as make a bigger market in conditions of demands for goods, which theoretically can lower prices, it is important to consider that 'while travel and leisure receipts rise, agriculture' output declines' (Adam Mack, Tourism and the Overall economy). That is due to fewer people working in the agricultural sector. If so the net income of tourism is actually less than it at first seems, once the reduction from agriculture is considered.

Although some economic benefits caused by tourism are apparent, there are certain burdens placed after the destination community. An extremely prominent challenge is the resident's view of visitors and their relationship with them, as outlined by M. Fagence (Tourism and Local World and Culture). Residents have a negative attitude towards vacationers if indeed they do not see immediate and clear monetary great things about their existence, especially by means of jobs and income. Contrary to Adam Mack's theory that the travelers create a more substantial market for goods, thus reducing the costs, residents blame holidaymakers for a growth in the price of goods. In the qualitative review by Neha Kala (2008) results show that vacationers are also viewed as the cause of increased unlawful activity and reduced moral standards by the variety community. That's where we must consider travel and leisure beyond the impacts to the market. In communities with rich traditional backgrounds some residents see the influence of visiting tourists as diminishing to traditional ideals, as the affluent life-style of tourists can be attractive and seductive to younger generations in the region. The influx of visitors brings the possibility of sometimes unwelcome public or cultural change. In Rajasthan traditional elders often scold children for talking with travelers. (Joseph 2007:204). Locals see tourism as an exporter of Western lifestyle. (Kala: 2008) Across India, Western dress is popular amongst young guys who wear jeans, shirts and football caps. (Joseph 2007:211). This is the consequence of many youth wanting to emulate Western tourists (Kala: 2008). Some facets of Western lifestyle however not only replace traditional culture, but also are directly contradictory to them. A priest in Pushkar was quoted in India Today expressing "The children here find the openness in foreign females too tempting". (Joseph 2007:211) This problem is amplified if the number community does not know that the behaviour of most travelers are atypical to that they normally act and that the behaviours viewed by holidaymakers are reserved for times of entertainment, and aren't the tourist's common behaviour or even their typical moral expectations.

Most concerning of M. Fagence's conclusions are that residents blame travelers for reducing the importance of local culture by trivializing and making a product of it. Within an article by Rosaleen Duffy this notion of culture as a product is widened on. Duffy outlines how visitors are often looking for an 'real ethnical experience'; however what's considered traditional is practically always described by the tourist, resulting in the tourist not really looking for cultural understanding but to provide various other self-serving purpose. Travelers conceptualize their travel experiences in a manner that facilitates them in narrating their self-identity. Visitors travel as a way to flee, to broaden your brain, or for 'personal breakthrough'. An illustration of Duffy's view our population uses travel for self-defining and self-narrating purposes, and a means to 'understand culture' and then for 'self finding' is the favorite movie Eat Pray Love, starring Julia Roberts. Within the movie, 'Liz' packages outs after her divorce to experience the culture in Italy, India and then Bali. The trailer includes many consecutive images of Liz eating 'genuine Italian pizza', praying in an old stony temple, coming in contact with a coated elephant, brightly coloured flowers being thrown at an Indian wedding, and biking through farmland former villagers taking baskets on their heads. Liz in the movie is desperate to "marvel at something" which is the very idea that Duffy presents in her research as motives that are 'a felt dependence on respite from the exigencies of modern life, and/or as 'traditional' projects of self-discovery'. In her article, Duffy cites Urry (1994:236-238) who argues that tourism can be reduced to the intake of signs or symptoms, images and texts. Evidence that travel and leisure is the consumption of pre-conceived images is within Hillary Brenhouse's article (July 22nd, 2010- before the release of the movie) where she represents recent vacation packages advertised by luxury hotels and spas to recreate the transformative 'Eat Pray Love' journey. By defining a whole culture into consumable signals and images, visitors take part in the further manifestation of orientalism created by the travel and leisure industry 'reinforcing images that create a feeling of "placelessness" and even timelessness' (Dann, 1996b: 125, cited in Duffy).

A demonstration of visitors being consumers of discourses of placelessness and timelessness is the popular tourist vacation spot Rajasthan, in India. The two most marketed marquees of Rajasthan are "Royal" and "Colourful". (Henderson 2007:72). These are the two main features the tourists are looking to 'take in' when they visit. These discourses are visible in the 'naming' of different locations of the province by travelers and tourism industry. Jaipur is known as the 'Green City' and Jodhpur is known as the 'Blue City'. Royalty links Rajasthan back to the past. Medieval India is romanticized and friends will experience an encounter with a royal recent. In this manner the ' Authentic Rajasthan experience' is reduced to some signs and icons. The most visible exemplory case of a marketing of 'placelessness and timelessness' is the "Chokhi Dhani" Holiday resort. Located throughout the province of Rajasthan with a few locations in other places in american India, this hotel is chaired by way of a NRI (Non-Resident Indian) stationed in Dubai. The Government of India heralds the chain of "Chokhi Dhanis" as "India's most innovative Tourism Project" (official website). The vacation resort is referred to as a 'Five-star village holiday resort" and includes fifty-five 'Royal cottages' and eight 'Haveli suites', Havelis being the original residences of local royalty. This cultural village includes convention rooms, spa, fitness, and accepts all major credit cards. Everything we can conclude from this would be that the desire of international tourists to experience a sense of 'timelessness and placelessness' is comprehended and capitalized on. Although this can be trivializing of local culture and history it's important to consider here that lots of locals are immediately taking part- and in ways heritage tourism provides them a type of possession. The foreigner's prefer to see something that they preconceive as 'legitimate' is known and cashed in on. Most respondents of Kala's research agreed that tourism motivates the mass development of 'pseudo-traditional' arts and that lots of non-traditional artisans are drawn to this work. This propagates travelers' myths because these 'traditional arts' often bought as souvenirs permit the tourist to actually bring the discourse house with them. In some ways however this kind of activity raises a community's sense of pleasure. The revitalization of some common arts such as party and the propagation of traditional fairs are regarded to be always a positive effect of tourism. A good example of this is festival of Teej; tourist's fascination with the festival ensures that every year it is still extravagant. Tourists also have a positive influence on the up keeping of historical and religious heritage sites because of this of tourist affinity for them. (Kala: 2008) A conserved site is the Ghats in Pushkar, a Hindu pilgrimage site. A rise in acceptance of eastern spirituality under western culture brings many tourists here. Although this creates some trouble for Hindu devotees, possession is considered through religious rhetoric aimed at tourists. Many symptoms round the Ghats include instructions about how precisely tourists should and should not behave in this place of religious significance. The neighborhood priests, like the aboriginal's at Ulurru, specify the significance of this site. However worried the priests are for the sanctity of the region they remain ready to 'commodify' the religious experience and frequently perform simplified prayer service or 'puja' for traditional western tourists at four times the price of a indigenous pilgrim. (Joseph: 2007) Although this dynamic role is considered by the local people, spiritual devotees, and the federal government, the culture and traditions here's still made available to a consumer for a price. The government protecting the area for the financial benefit can even be seen as the ultimate commodification. This places a car or truck on the country's faith, culture and background. Nothing reveals ownership more than placing a cost on one's belonging. Although many of the destinations are places of break free for travelers, and travel and leisure may expose some economical benefits to the neighborhood area. I believe the degradation and trivialization of the neighborhood culture that ensues is not well worth the price. It is however important to remember that as residents of the global north we live poor judges of what's truly beneficial to these regions.

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